Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo. Jalqabbee Seenaa ABO fi Qabsoo Oromoo. Kampala, Uganda, 2023. pp: 266. Format: Paperback. Price: $30.
Jalqabbee Seenaa ABO fi Qabsoo Oromoo (The Beginning of the History of the OLF and the Oromo Struggle) is a powerful and detailed first-hand account of the Oromo Liberation Front’s (OLF) history, authored by Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo, a founding member and influential figure in both the organization’s political and military leadership. Drawing from his decades-long involvement, Dhugaasaa offers an insider’s perspective on the OLF’s formation, growth, internal challenges, military campaigns, political engagements, and its ongoing struggle for Oromo self-determination.
Structured into twenty-four chapters, the book reads like a military and political diary, chronicling the OLF’s key milestones—from its founding in Finfinnee in 1973, through various phases of its struggle, its return to Finfinnee in 1991, subsequent retreats to Somalia, Kenya, and Asmara, and its return once again to Finfinnee in 2018, before Dhugaasaa himself relocated to Kampala, Uganda. His extensive personal involvement adds authenticity and depth rarely found in secondary sources.
One of the book’s greatest strengths lies in its vivid recounting of political and military events from an eyewitness perspective. Dhugaasaa provides in-depth insights into internal deliberations, leadership struggles, ideological debates, and the geopolitical challenges that shaped the OLF’s direction. He does not shy away from addressing the organization’s setbacks, including external pressures, leadership fractures, and missed opportunities.
A particularly compelling section covers the 1991 “Charter Period,” when the OLF briefly joined Ethiopia’s transitional government. Dhugaasaa discusses how strategic missteps, internal disagreements, and external manipulations by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) ultimately led to the OLF’s withdrawal and re-engagement in armed struggle. His detailed accounts of the OLF’s activities in Somalia, and Eritrea further contextualize the movement’s efforts to confront the TPLF militarily, as well as the complex regional dynamics that hindered those efforts.
As a former military commander, Dhugaasaa offers granular descriptions of guerrilla warfare tactics, logistics, and battlefield experiences. He pays tribute to the sacrifices of Oromo fighters, emphasizing the resilience and determination that fueled the movement despite significant obstacles and ways of coping with adverse circumstances (chapter 15).
Historical Overview and Key Events
The book opens with the founding of the OLF in response to centuries of Oromo marginalization, including land dispossession, economic exploitation, and cultural suppression under Amhara domination. Chapter Two explores the organization’s foundational conferences, from its foundation in 1973 to the 1978 historic meeting in Saaqqata and the 1989 National Assembly (Kora Saba) in Gobelle. Despite launching a growing armed movement, the OLF suffered two major early setbacks: the assassination of senior leaders by Somali agents, and the death of its visionary founder, Baro Tumsa, at the hands of disillusioned comrades. These losses brought inexperienced young leaders to the forefront of key roles, slowing the movement’s momentum and igniting internal divisions that persist today. These young leaders gained experience over time and became instruments in keeping the OLF and its cause alive.
Despite ups and downs, Dhugaasaa emphasizes the OLF’s key achievements. Chief among them was raising political consciousness among the Oromo people and articulating a foundational case for self-determination. During the Charter Period (Chapter 18) the OLF, despite marginalization efforts by the TPLF, implemented critical policies: securing legal recognition for Oromia, establishing Afaan Oromo as the official language and primary medium of education, and adopting the Latin alphabet for writing it. He particularly cites crucial role Ibsaa Guutamaa (in his capacity as minister of education representing the OLF) played in translating textbooks into Afaan Oromoo in just less than a year. These accomplishments, Dhugaasaa argues, remain foundational and enduring despite shifting political landscapes. He also notes a lesser-known achievement of that era: reconnecting Oromos from different regions, who had been separated for more than a century by imperial policies. Some Oromos, Dhugaasaa recounts, questioned OLF leaders on why they joined a transitional unitary government despite advocating for independence. He defends the decision as a tactical move to capitalize on the Charter’s opportunities to advance OLF policies—an effort that yielded tangible outcomes.
The brief alliance between the OLF and the TPLF, brokered in London just before the fall of the Derg regime, ended in a bitter divorce and full-scale conflict by 1992. Dhugaasaa candidly acknowledges the OLF’s dwindling military capacity—depleted ammunition, the loss of experienced commanders, and eventual retreat to Somalia in search of respite and regrouping (Chapter 19).
Despite the OLF’s ideological clarity and popular support, Dhugaasaa concedes its failure to militarily secure Oromia. The sudden collapse of the Ethiopian military left the OLF unprepared to fill the power vacuum, while the TPLF, better organized and well-resourced, swiftly seized key regions like Jijiga, Moyale, and Asosa.
For readers, the book reveals that internal divisions consistently undermined OLF’s progress. The first major fracture followed Baro Tumsa’s death, deepening regional and religious rifts. The second occurred during the Charter Period, when many suspected that Leencoo Lataa had reached a covert agreement with Meles Zenawi, thereby abandoning the OLF’s foundational goals in favor of allegedly democratizing Ethiopia. Dhugaasaa writes: “Leencoo fi Mallas dhoksaan kan irratti waliif galan jiraachuu namni ni shakka” (163), meaning “People suspect that Leencoo and Meles may have reached a secret agreement.”
Leencoo’s continued to push for what Dhugaasaa calls (as do many Oromos) a pseudo-democratic agenda and eventually split the OLF into two major factions (Chapter 22): Shanee Gumii, led by Leencoo’s allies, and Qaama Cehumsa, led by Galaasaa Dilboo. Although Shanee Gumii forced Galaasaa out, Dhugaasaa claims he resigned preemptively, marking the official schism. Leadership of Shanee Gumii ultimately passed to Dawud Ibsaa. Despite multiple efforts were made to reconcile the Shanee Gumii and Qaama Cehumsa, the factions have never reunited.
The OLF’s regrouping in Asmara introduced further instability, particularly due to infiltration by Ethiopian military defectors. One such defector, Brigadier General Kamal Galchu (22.2), was appointed military leader but later instigated the formation of the now-defunct OLF-Jijirama faction. This, in turn, prompted Leencoo to found the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF), which later dissolved into Ethiopia’s ruling party under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Dhugaasaa critiques Leencoo’s trajectory, implying that he consistently undermined Oromo political movements—dividing the OLF first into Shanee Gumii and Qaama Cehumsaa and larer his own Shanee Gumuu further into Jijirama (211), and the ODF—before aligning with the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) and the Prosperity Party. It is ironic that Leencoo who split the Oromo Liberation Front into pieces in the name democratizing Ethiopia, ended up in melting into and supporting the most undemocratic and most brutal government in Ethiopian history.
In 2018, Dhugaasaa argues that the advance team sent from Asmara to facilitate the leadership’s return was co-opted by the Abiy administration. Instead of aiding the welcoming ceremony, the team leaked internal information, both before and after the leadership returned. The team identified major opponents of the government and handed senior OLF leaders to Abiy’s agents thus leading to arrests and mistreatment. His account of the disarmament and rehabilitation process is especially harrowing, including allegations of poisoning and betrayal. Many disillusioned fighters refused to surrender for reintegration and resumed the armed struggle. They refused to take orders from OLF leadership which they accused of caving in to the government’s humiliating demands. Dhugaasaa appears unhappy with them for not listening to the leaders, but he does not outrightly condemn them.
Overall, Jalqabbee Seenaa ABO fi Qabsoo Oromoo is a compelling and critical contribution to the history of Oromo political resistance. Combining personal testimony with historical analysis, Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo provides an essential resource for understanding both the achievements and the enduring internal conflicts within the OLF. It stands as a testament to the resilience of the Oromo people—and a cautionary tale about the challenges of revolutionary movements in the face of ideological fragmentation and geopolitical manipulation. It is a welcome book for historians, particularly for those interested in military history and the history of armed movements.
Getahun Benti, Professor
Southern Illinois University, Carbondale