Adaptation of Oromo Indigenous Peace Institutions Amid Political and Socio-Cultural Change

Haftee Wako Oljira; Taddesse Berisso

1. Introduction

Peace holds a vital place in the social, political, moral, and cultural fabric of the Oromo people. The Oromo idea of nagaa goes beyond just the absence of conflict; it embodies harmonious relationships, justice, moral responsibility, social order, reconciliation, and peaceful coexistence among individuals, communities, nature, and Waaqa. Recent research also frames nagaa as a comprehensive and relational view of peace that weaves together social connections, justice, moral integrity, spiritual wellness, and harmony with the environment (Fekede et al. 2024; Keno 2025). In this perspective, peace is upheld through a web of interconnected institutions and moral values rather than relying on a single specialized entity. Historically, the Gadaa system offered a structured approach to leadership, customary law, social organization, collective decision-making, accountability, and conflict resolution. Other institutions, such as Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa, played essential roles in areas like women’s moral authority, elder mediation, collective discussions, reconciliation, and the restoration of social bonds (Debelo Jorgo 2012; Legesse 2000; Ta’a 2016). Thus, these institutions are best viewed as interconnected elements of an indigenous social and moral framework, rather than as separate customary practices.

It’s important to consider the ongoing significance of these institutions in light of the shifting political and socio-cultural landscapes. In this context, political change refers to the growth and establishment of state administrative frameworks, the rising influence of formal courts, shifts in local government authority, administrative reorganizations, and evolving dynamics between customary and state institutions. On the other hand, socio-cultural change encompasses transformations linked to formal education, shifts in religious practices, urbanization, migration, evolving economic behaviors, advancements in communication technologies, changing gender roles, and generational shifts in attitudes towards customary institutions. These changes don’t impact every community in the same way; instead, they reshape the institutional environments where customary systems function. Current research paints a nuanced picture of both continuity and decline. For instance, studies in Bale show that traditional conflict-resolution methods still play a vital role in fostering peace, even as they face mounting pressures from social changes and formal legal systems (Gena and Jarra 2023). Similarly, findings from Borana highlight the ongoing importance of customary institutions in managing conflicts and maintaining social harmony (Eneyew and Ayalew 2023; Ta’a 2016). Investigations into Gadaa in various Oromo settings also reveal its persistent role in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and community governance (Choto and Rao 2023; Oljira 2024). At the same time, research examining the relationship between Gadaa and state courts indicates that these customary and formal institutions often interact through negotiation, positioning, collaboration, and competition, rather than simply replacing one another (Disassa Mulleta 2025).

These findings highlight a significant theoretical and empirical tension. Indigenous institutions are often portrayed either as resilient cultural systems that safeguard the past or as fading entities gradually overtaken by modern state frameworks. This binary perspective risks missing a crucial third option which is institutional adaptation. Resilience doesn’t always mean keeping historical structures intact; instead, it can involve learning, reinterpretation, reorganization, negotiation, and adjustment, all while upholding core values and social functions (Berkes and Ross 2013; de Coning 2018). This study aims to fill that gap by exploring adaptation as a potential mechanism for cultural and institutional continuity. The main argument is that changes in the form, authority, location, or practices of Oromo indigenous peace institutions shouldn’t be automatically seen as signs of cultural decline. Instead, we need to evaluate the significance of these changes by looking at what happens to the values, relationships, social functions, and legitimacy tied to those institutions. In the Borana context, Gadaa, Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa continue to engage with government structures, formal courts, religious institutions, educational systems, markets, and evolving community expectations. This interaction might limit some traditional roles while also opening up new avenues and forms of institutional relevance. Thus, the study investigates how Oromo indigenous peace institutions adapt to shifting political and socio-cultural landscapes, which core peace-oriented values, remain influential, how institutional practices and relationships evolve, and how customary institutions navigate their roles alongside formal ones. By moving the focus from a simplistic preservation-versus-decline framework to one of adaptation and negotiated continuity, this research adds valuable insights to the discussions surrounding indigenous institutional resilience, legal pluralism, and culturally grounded peacebuilding.

1.1. Background of the Study

In Africa, indigenous institutions have long played a crucial role in governance, social regulation, conflict resolution, moral education, reconciliation, and peacebuilding. Their strength often comes from a shared cultural understanding, active community participation, customary norms, trust, and a sense of collective responsibility (Boege 2006; Zartman 2000). Unlike specialized state institutions, these indigenous systems are woven into the fabric of daily life and community interactions. The experience of the Oromo people exemplifies this broader trend across Africa. Their indigenous governance is made up of a network of institutions and guiding principles rather than a single, centralized authority. The Gadaa system has historically structured political leadership, age-based duties, customary laws, collective decision-making, conflict resolution, and accountability. Meanwhile, Siiqqee has empowered Oromo women by granting them a culturally recognized form of social and moral authority. Jaarsummaa relies on the wisdom and social standing of elders to mediate disputes and foster reconciliation, while Gumii serves as a collective space for discussion. Araaraa focuses on restoring relationships and promoting reconciliation. At the heart of these institutions lies a moral foundation closely tied to the concepts of nagaa and safuu. Recent studies on safuu describe it as an indigenous Oromo moral framework that governs relationships among individuals, society, nature, and the spiritual realm (Alamayo 2021; Fekede et al. 2024; Keno 2025). This concept goes beyond just a list of ethical guidelines; it sets expectations for how people should relate to one another and behave socially. The connection between safuu and nagaa is particularly significant, as breaches of these moral and relational duties can disrupt social harmony.

The idea of dhugaa brings an essential layer to this moral framework. Truth is deeply intertwined with justice, fairness, accountability, and the legitimacy of collective decision-making. In the context of customary reconciliation processes, achieving peace isn’t just about resolving a dispute; it goes beyond that. True reconciliation involves recognizing the issues at hand, mending relationships, and restoring social harmony. In this light, nagaa, safuu, and dhugaa work together as interconnected principles. Nagaa represents the ideal state of peaceful coexistence; safuu offers moral guidance to maintain that state; and dhugaa lays the ethical groundwork for truthfulness, fairness, and justice. However, modern political and socio-cultural shifts have changed the landscape in which these principles are applied. State administration and formal courts are increasingly operating alongside traditional institutions. Changes in religious beliefs have introduced new sources of moral and social authority. The way knowledge is passed down has evolved with formal education, while urbanization and migration have altered community dynamics and diminished everyday interactions with customary institutions. Economic changes and digital communication have also broadened the avenues through which cultural knowledge is shared, debated, and reinterpreted. These transformations can lead to mixed outcomes. Some traditional roles may fade as formal institutions take over responsibilities once managed by indigenous systems. Yet, customary values can still hold sway, even if the traditional forms of expression become less prominent. Therefore, we can’t simply evaluate institutional continuity by checking if historical practices remain intact. We also need to consider whether the core values, social connections, and normative roles continue to shape contemporary communities.

Research on Oromo institutions sheds light on a more nuanced understanding of their dynamics. Debisa (2022) highlights the ongoing significance of Gadaa-related peacebuilding practices, such as Jaarsummaa and Siiqqee. Ta’a (2016) explores the historical and present-day relevance of customary institutions among the Borana people, while Gena and Jarra (2023) reveal that these traditional conflict-resolution methods can still hold value even when facing institutional pressures. Oljira (2024) also points out the enduring roles of Gadaa institutions in fostering conflict resolution and peacebuilding in Western Guji. While these studies lay a solid groundwork, there’s still a gap in exploring how these institutions adapt to maintain peace-oriented values amid shifting political and socio-cultural landscapes.

Statement of the Problem

The issue at hand is that Oromo indigenous peace institutions have been gaining more attention from scholars due to their vital roles in resolving conflicts, fostering social cohesion, promoting reconciliation, and ensuring governance and community accountability. However, their place in today’s governance frameworks is still up for debate. Often, these indigenous institutions are assessed through a simplistic lens that pits tradition against modernity, where any change in these institutions is seen as a sign of decline, and the growth of formal institutions is viewed as a replacement of the old ways. This perspective poses a significant analytical challenge. If we define the authenticity of these institutions solely by how well they maintain their historical forms, then any shift in their structure, authority, practices, or operational scope could be seen as a loss of culture. Yet, research on resilience shows that continuity can actually mean adapting, learning, reorganizing, and reinterpreting rather than just holding onto the past (Berkes and Ross 2013; de Coning 2018). Therefore, the mere fact that institutions evolve doesn’t necessarily mean they are disappearing. Previous research has highlighted the ongoing importance of Gadaa, Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and similar institutions within Oromo communities (Choto and Rao 2023; Debela 2020; Debelo Jorgo 2012; Eneyew and Ayalew 2023; Legesse 2000; Oljira 2024; Ta’a 2016). Other studies have pointed out the pressures from formal legal systems and broader socio-cultural changes (Gena and Jarra 2023). However, what we still don’t fully grasp is the specific ways in which Oromo indigenous peace institutions adapt their practices, relationships, authority, and operational spaces while still upholding essential values like nagaa, safuu, dhugaa, kabaja, reconciliation, accountability, and collective responsibility. This gap is especially important in Borana, where traditional institutions function alongside a mix of state administration, formal courts, religious organizations, formal education, economic shifts, migration, urban growth, and generational changes. These overlapping systems raise important questions about who holds authority, the legitimacy of these institutions, the continuity of cultural practices, and how responsibilities are divided between customary and formal institutions. The main issue this study tackles isn’t just whether the Oromo indigenous peace institutions are still around. Instead, it focuses on how these institutions have evolved, which parts of their roles have been weakened or transformed, what values continue to hold sway, and how customary institutions assert their legitimacy in the face of shifting social and political landscapes. To explore this issue, an ethnographic approach is essential, one that can delve into the experiences of participants and the practices and interactions that reveal how these institutions adapt over time.

Objective of the Study

The main goal of this study is to explore how Oromo indigenous peace institutions adjust to evolving political and socio-cultural landscapes while staying true to their core values centered on peace. More specifically, the research aims to investigate the impact of political and socio-cultural changes on these institutions. It delves into how Gadaa, Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa have modified their practices, relationships, and operational areas. Additionally, the study has looked at the ongoing significance of concepts like nagaa, safuu, dhugaa, kabaja, reconciliation, accountability, and collective responsibility. Finally, it analyzed the interactions between these indigenous institutions and formal government structures, courts, religious organizations, educational systems, and the shifting expectations of different generations.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Indigenous Peace Systems and Cultural Resilience

Indigenous peace systems are deeply woven into the fabric of local social relationships, customary norms, oral traditions, moral obligations, and collective practices. They play a vital role in preventing conflicts, resolving disputes, fostering reconciliation, restoring relationships, and enhancing community wellbeing. Research from Africa has shed light on both the strengths and weaknesses of these customary institutions, highlighting the importance of looking at their real-world functions and current legitimacy instead of romanticizing them (Boege 2006; Zartman 2000). The idea of cultural resilience is particularly valuable for grasping how institutions evolve. Berkes and Ross (2013) suggest that resilience is all about how communities adapt to changing circumstances while still holding onto their core identities, relationships, knowledge, and values. From this angle, continuity doesn’t mean that institutional structures have to stay exactly the same as they were in the past. Instead, adapting these institutions can be a way to keep cultural values relevant in the face of change. This viewpoint is especially pertinent to Oromo indigenous institutions, as various factors like political restructuring, formal courts, education, religious shifts, migration, urbanization, economic changes, and technological advancements have transformed the environments in which these customary institutions function. Existing studies show that these institutions haven’t all reacted in the same way. Some of their functions have diminished, while others have either persisted or taken on new meanings (Eneyew and Ayalew 2023; Gena and Jarra 2023). Thus, the challenge lies in uncovering how continuity and change can happen at the same time.

2.2. Oromo Indigenous Peace Philosophy: Nagaa, Safuu, and Dhugaa

The idea of nagaa is at the heart of how the Oromo people view peace. Fekede et al. (2024) describe Oromo peace as a comprehensive and relational concept that includes social ties, justice, moral order, spiritual connections, and harmony with nature. Keno (2025) echoes this by showing that nagaa within the Gadaa system emphasizes personal integrity, social justice, environmental balance, and spiritual completeness. These insights push back against the limited view of peace as just the absence of violence. Another key concept is safuu, which serves as an ethical backbone for nurturing these relationships. Alamayo (2021) points out that safuu is an indigenous Oromo moral framework that guides how people should behave and interact with society, the environment, and the spiritual realm. Its role in peacebuilding is crucial, as it links individual actions to a larger social and moral order. When moral obligations are violated, the repercussions can extend beyond the individual, potentially disrupting social bonds and collective harmony. Similarly, dhugaa, which means truth, is tied to justice, fairness, and accountability. Truth plays a vital role in reconciliation because achieving lasting social peace involves more than just resolving a conflict. It requires acknowledgment, fairness, restoration, and the rebuilding of relationships. Therefore, nagaa, safuu, and dhugaa should be seen as interconnected aspects of the Oromo philosophy of peace, rather than as separate cultural ideas. The importance of these ideas for my current study lies in the fact that we can evaluate institutional adaptation not just by looking at obvious changes in how an organization is structured, but also by considering the ongoing impact of its core values. An institution might alter its processes or operational environment, yet still strive to uphold the ethical goals tied to nagaa, safuu, and dhugaa. On the flip side, an institution could maintain its external appearance while witnessing a drop in the values that once gave it legitimacy.

2.3. Gadaa as Adaptive Indigenous Governance

Gadaa is a vital part of Oromo indigenous governance, weaving together political leadership, social organization, customary law, accountability, education, conflict resolution, and collective decision-making. Its unique structure, which features generational organization and rotating leadership, has historically ensured accountability and prevented the concentration of power (Legesse 2000; Ta’a 2016). Recent studies show that Gadaa is still very much alive in today’s Oromo communities. Debisa (2022) highlights the peace-oriented values embedded in Gadaa, while Choto and Rao (2023) illustrate its ongoing significance among the Gabra, Guji, and Borana communities. Oljira (2024) also points out Gadaa’s active role in conflict resolution and peacebuilding efforts in Western Guji. Meanwhile, Disassa (2025) reveals that Gadaa courts and state courts often coexist within the same institutional landscape, leading to a dynamic interplay of negotiation, collaboration, and competition. These insights challenge the notion that the growth of state institutions automatically sidelines customary ones. Instead, it seems that institutional boundaries are being redefined. While some responsibilities may transition to state institutions, Gadaa continues to exercise significant influence over leadership, consultation, accountability, justice, and social responsibility. This evolution offers a crucial perspective on how adaptation can serve as a form of institutional resilience.

2.4. Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa

Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa play crucial roles in fostering peace within the Oromo community. Siiqqee, in particular, has been a powerful source of social and moral authority for Oromo women, empowering them to confront injustice, challenge harmful traditions, and promote social harmony (Kumsa 1997; Debela 2020). Meanwhile, Jaarsummaa draws its strength from the wisdom and respect commanded by elders, who are valued for their life experiences, moral integrity, and deep understanding of traditional customs. Through dialogue, negotiation, and mediation, these elders work to resolve disputes and mend relationships within their communities (Boege 2006; Eneyew and Ayalew 2023). Gumii acts as a communal space for open discussions, consultations, and decision-making, allowing community members to deliberate on issues that impact their shared lives. Araaraa, on the other hand, specifically focuses on healing fractured relationships, restoring social harmony, and promoting reconciliation after conflicts. Together, these institutions highlight that Oromo peacebuilding relies not on a single approach but on a network of interconnected systems that engage women, elders, community representatives, and wider social networks in the quest for peace (Fekede et al. 2024; Oljira 2024). These institutions are particularly significant when we consider how indigenous peace mechanisms adapt to evolving political and socio-cultural landscapes. While their modern roles may not always mirror their historical origins, the core principles they embody continue to serve as a foundation for conflict resolution and social cohesion. Their ability to adapt practices while holding onto essential values like nagaa, safuu, dhugaa, kabaja, and collective responsibility showcases their resilience. Research into Oromo indigenous conflict-resolution practices reveals that these traditional mechanisms still function alongside formal institutions, demonstrating their enduring relevance.

2.5. Adaptation, Continuity, and Institutional Resilience

Adaptation plays a crucial role in linking institutional change with cultural continuity. According to de Coning (2018), adaptive peacebuilding is all about learning, fostering local ownership, building resilience, navigating uncertainty, and making ongoing adjustments. This approach is especially relevant in situations where peace institutions are functioning in complex and ever-evolving environments. Rather than treating peacebuilding institutions as fixed structures, adaptive peacebuilding recognizes that institutions must learn from changing circumstances and modify their approaches while retaining principles that are locally meaningful. In this sense, adaptation can enable indigenous institutions to respond to political transitions, socio-cultural transformations, demographic changes, and interactions with formal state institutions without necessarily losing their cultural identity (Berkes and Ross 2013; de Coning 2018).

For Oromo indigenous peace institutions, continuity and adaptation can therefore be understood as mutually reinforcing processes. Institutions such as Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa have demonstrated resilience partly because their practices are embedded within broader cultural values and community relationships. Their continued relevance depends not simply on preserving historical forms unchanged but also on their capacity to respond to new realities while maintaining their fundamental peace-oriented principles. Indigenous research approaches emphasize the importance of understanding such institutions within their cultural, historical, and relational contexts rather than assessing them only through external institutional frameworks (Chilisa 2019; Smith 2021). Similarly, everyday peace approaches highlight how ordinary community practices and relationships can sustain peace even amid changing political and social conditions (Mac Ginty 2021). The adaptation of Oromo indigenous peace institutions can therefore be viewed as a process of institutional resilience, in which cultural continuity is maintained through selective transformation, learning, and renewed community ownership.

3. Methodology

3.1. Study Area

The research took place in Yabello, Dire, and Arero districts of the Borana Zone in Oromia Regional State, located in southern Ethiopia. These three areas were chosen due to the ongoing importance of Oromo indigenous institutions, especially the Gadaa system and its related customary peace practices. Each location offers a unique perspective on how these traditional institutions interact with modern political, social, religious, and economic landscapes. Yabello stands out as a key administrative and cultural hub where customary institutions engage with state structures. Dire serves as a vital backdrop for exploring changes in religious, social, and economic aspects, while Arero sheds light on how customary institutions continue to function in more rural community settings. Thus, these three sites were analyzed as distinct environments rather than as culturally uniform areas.

3.2. Study Period and Setting

Fieldwork took place from June 3 to August 26, 2024, in the Yabello, Dire, and Arero districts of the Borana Zone. This roughly two-month ethnographic journey included a mix of interviews and focus group discussions with a diverse range of participants, elders, customary leaders, community members, women, youth, and other knowledgeable individuals. I have also engaged in participant observation within community settings where indigenous peace practices were both discussed and put into action. Special emphasis was placed on customary dispute resolution and reconciliation processes, the discussions led by elders, community gatherings, and interactions involving Gadaa and Siiqqee representatives. Additionally, I had focused on environments where Jaarsummaa, Araaraa, and other traditional peace practices were either talked about or actively practiced. Field notes were meticulously kept to capture the interactions, processes, social relationships, and contextual elements relevant to indigenous peace institutions. The observation didn’t just cover formal customary processes; it also highlighted everyday expressions of nagaa, safuu, dhugaa, kabaja, reconciliation, and collective responsibility. When it came to specific ceremonies or sensitive customary proceedings, I had ensured that observations were conducted only with the necessary community permissions and ethical considerations in mind.

3.3. Research Design

I chose a qualitative ethnographic research design for this study because I wanted to go deep into understanding indigenous peace institutions as they play out in real life. These institutions are woven into the fabric of everyday relationships, customary norms, oral traditions, collective memories, and community interactions. Ethnography allows me to explore not just what participants say about these institutions, but also how their values and relationships come to life in social settings (Creswell and Poth 2018; Hammersley and Atkinson 2019). This approach gave me a solid foundation to compare participants’ stories with group discussions and the practices observed.

3.4. Participants and Sampling

Participants were carefully chosen based on their knowledge, experience, or active involvement in Oromo indigenous peace institutions. The selection included a diverse mix of elders, Aba Gadaa, informed representatives of Siiqqee, women, youth, teachers, and community leaders. I had a total of 45 (30 male and 15 female) participants involved in the study, which included 7 individuals who took part in Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) and 38 (23 male and 15 female) participants across 6 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). The FGDs brought together a variety of community members, such as elders, Aba Gadaa, Siiqqee representatives, women, youth, community leaders, and other knowledgeable individuals. This diverse group represented different genders, age ranges, occupations, and roles within the community, ensuring that we captured a wide array of perspectives on indigenous peace institutions. The ages of the participants spanned from 21-76, with contributions from both men and women. The selection strategy aimed to reflect a range of institutional roles and generational viewpoints. Elders and Gadaa leaders shared their insights on customary institutions, historical shifts, and leadership practices. Women offered valuable perspectives on Siiqqee and the moral authority of women, while the youth brought in views on how values are passed down through generations and how they are reinterpreted today. Teachers and community leaders added their thoughts on education, social change, and the interplay between customary and formal institutions.

3.5. Data Collection

Three complementary data-collection methods were employed: key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation. The use of multiple methods enabled methodological triangulation and allowed the study to examine the phenomenon from individual, collective, and observational perspectives.

3.5.1. Key Informant Interviews

Conducted key informant interviews with individuals who have deep knowledge and experience regarding Oromo indigenous peace institutions. These interviews explored various aspects, including how customary institutions have evolved, their interactions with formal governance, methods of conflict resolution, reconciliation processes, moral values, the legitimacy of these institutions, and how knowledge is passed down through generations. The insights gained from these interviews offered rich personal stories and historical perspectives that helped us grasp the changes in these institutions over time.

3.5.2. Focus Group Discussions

Focus group discussions (FGDs) were utilized to delve into the collective understandings and socially negotiated meanings surrounding indigenous peace institutions. Unlike one-on-one interviews, FGDs allowed participants to engage with each other, express agreement or disagreement, clarify local meanings, share common experiences, and negotiate their interpretations. As a result, the analysis of FGDs focused not just on individual comments but also on the dynamics of agreement, disagreement, corrections, elaborations, collective memories, and the interactions among participants. In presenting my findings, it’s essential to treat FGD evidence as group-level insights, especially when the transcripts support such interpretations. For instance, if multiple participants independently confirmed a shared understanding, I had framed this as a collectively expressed or negotiated viewpoint rather than isolating their statements as individual opinions. Similarly, when disagreements arose, I highlighted them, as they provide valuable insights into differing interpretations and evolving social expectations.

3.5.3. Participant Observation

To enhance the insights gained from interviews and focus group discussions, participant observation was utilized to delve into how indigenous peace values and institutional relationships come to life within community settings. The field observations zeroed in on the dynamics among community members, the involvement of elders and customary leaders, group discussions, leadership styles, reconciliation efforts, and the manifestation of core values like accountability, consultation, respect, and social responsibility. In addition to my fieldwork conducted from June 3 to August 26, 2024, as a student of Gadaa and Governance Studies, I had the incredible opportunity to attend the Borana Baallii (Gadaa power-transfer) ceremony from March 4–9, 2025, at Ardaa Jilaa Badhaasa in Arero Goro. This event marked the succession of the 72nd Abbaa Gadaa, Guyyoo Boruu Guyyoo, who took over from Kura Jarso. This experience was distinct from my 2024 fieldwork and allowed me to witness the Gadaa leadership transition up close. I was struck by the active involvement of elders, Aba Gadaa, community representatives, and the youth, all of whom emphasized values like continuity, legitimacy, respect, collective responsibility, and the peaceful transfer of authority. It became clear to me that the Baallii was more than just an administrative change; it was a culturally rich process that reaffirmed customary values, responsibilities, and social expectations. The interactions between outgoing and incoming leaders, elders, and community members highlighted the vital role of dialogue, collective engagement, accountability, and respect in upholding social order. These insights beautifully complemented the findings from my Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), showcasing how Gadaa institutions remain essential for peaceful governance, reconciliation, and the passing down of indigenous peace values, all while engaging with modern administrative frameworks.

3.6. Data Analysis

The data were analyzed thematically through a thoughtful and iterative process that involved diving into interview transcripts, notes from focus group discussions (FGDs), and records from participant observations. I started by immersing myself in the entire dataset, reading and reviewing it multiple times. From this deep engagement, I pinpointed significant statements and recurring themes that related to institutional adaptation, peace values, legitimacy, and social change, assigning them initial codes. These related codes were then organized into categories and broader themes. The analysis placed a strong emphasis on the differences between individual stories, group discussions in FGDs, and observed practices. Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) were utilized to explore both individual and institutional viewpoints; FGDs were scrutinized for collective meanings, interactions, agreements, disagreements, and negotiated interpretations; and observation data were analyzed to uncover how institutional values and practices played out in community settings. Triangulation was employed not to demand identical findings across the three methods, but rather to highlight areas of convergence, complementarity, and divergence among the various forms of evidence. The main analytical themes that emerged included adaptation and cultural resilience; the continuity of nagaa, safuu, and dhugaa; Gadaa and adaptive indigenous governance; Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa as restorative mechanisms; Siiqqee and the moral authority of women; preventive peacebuilding and oral tradition; legal pluralism and institutional interaction; the interplay of religion, urbanization, and generational change; as well as issues of marginalization, legitimacy, and resilience.

3.7. Ethical Considerations and Trustworthiness

The ethical procedures highlighted the importance of voluntary participation, informed consent, confidentiality, and a deep respect for community knowledge. Engaging with elders and customary leaders was done in a culturally appropriate manner. Participants were clearly informed about the purpose of the research and their right to opt out or withdraw whenever they wished. To protect their identities, participant codes or pseudonyms were employed. To enhance trustworthiness, various methods were employed, spent ample time in the study setting, compared perspectives from different participant groups, paid attention to conflicting accounts, and engaged in reflexive interpretation. A conscious effort was made to avoid imposing outside theoretical frameworks onto indigenous concepts. Terms like nagaa, safuu, and dhugaa were treated as significant analytical categories that emerged from the cultural context, rather than just examples of theories developed elsewhere.

4. Findings

4.1. Adaptation as Cultural Resilience

The findings show that the ongoing importance of Oromo indigenous peace institutions isn’t about keeping historical forms exactly as they were, but rather about their ability to adapt to the ever-changing political, social, religious, and economic landscapes. In Yabello, Dire, and Arero, key informant interviews (KIIs) and focus group discussions (FGDs) highlighted that Gadaa, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, Araaraa, and Siiqqee still play a significant role in shaping how the community views peace, justice, leadership, and social responsibility, even though their structures, authority, and contexts have evolved over time. A young participant from Yabello shared, “Even if systems change, I still know what safuu teaches us” (FGD, Youth Participant, Yabello). Likewise, a woman from Arero remarked, “Even if I don’t carry it every day, Siiqqee is still in our voice when I demand justice” (FGD, Woman Participant, Arero). These insights suggest that maintaining institutional continuity doesn’t always mean sticking to traditional practices in their original forms. Instead, the essential values can persist through reinterpretation and integration into modern social life. During my fieldwork from June 3 to August 26, 2024, across Yabello, Dire, and Arero, I noticed this distinction between the form of institutions and the continuity of their values. I witnessed community interactions where customary values were brought to life through dialogue, respect for elders, collective discussions, reconciliation, and a genuine concern for mending social relationships. These observations added depth to the interview and FGD accounts, showing that the values participants spoke about were not just theoretical ideas but were actively demonstrated through social interactions and traditional practices. I also captured photographs of relevant activities and settings during my fieldwork, always with the necessary permissions and respect for participants’ privacy and cultural norms. These images served as valuable visual documentation of the practices and environments I observed, helping to provide context to the findings. This discovery backs up Berkes and Ross’s (2013) view of resilience as a form of adaptive continuity. It also enriches Oromo scholarship by showing that cultural resilience can manifest through evolving institutional structures, social environments, and ways of engaging. Interestingly, the findings highlight that adaptation goes hand in hand with vulnerability. Factors like formal institutions, urban growth, migration, shifts in religious beliefs, generational changes, and evolving lifestyles have either diminished or altered some traditional roles. Therefore, we should see resilience not as a shield against change but as the ability to navigate change while still holding onto values that matter socially.

4.2. Gadaa and Indigenous Governance in a Changing Context

The findings show that Gadaa still plays a significant role in shaping our views on leadership, consultation, accountability, and collective responsibility. Participants noted that state administrative bodies and formal legal systems have taken on roles that were once more closely tied to traditional governance. However, the principles of Gadaa remain crucial when it comes to assessing what constitutes legitimate and responsible leadership. As one FGD participant from Arero explained, “Gadaa teaches us that a leaders does not lead by his own power; he leads through consultation, respect for the community, and responsibility for other” (FGD, Elder, Arero). This aligns with the work of Oljira (2024) and Choto and Rao (2023), who highlight the ongoing importance of Gadaa in governance and conflict resolution. Research on Gadaa also points out key values like equality, respect, tolerance, moral responsibility, and accountability as vital components of its peacebuilding efforts. This study adds an ethnographic layer by illustrating how these principles continue to manifest in community interactions, even as the institutional landscape evolves. During my fieldwork in 2024, I gathered more evidence of the enduring social significance of Gadaa-related principles. In traditional settings, I witnessed elders and community members engaging in dialogue and collective decision-making. The focus on respectful communication, consultation, and shared responsibility echoed participants’ descriptions of Gadaa as a system where legitimate authority is tied to social responsibility rather than individual power. A key informant in Yabello, similarly observed, “Even though government inistitutions have changed the way administration is practiced today, the people still expects leaders to listen to the community, consult elders, and be accountable for their decissions which come from the value of Gadaa” (KII, scholar, Yabello).

These observations reinforce the insights from Key Informant Interviews (KII) and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) by providing a firsthand look at how Gadaa principles are woven into social interactions. Instead of viewing Gadaa merely as a relic of the past, the evidence shows that its values continue to shape modern understandings of leadership and community responsibility. This challenges the simplistic notion that customary institutions fade away as formal state structures grow. While some functions of Gadaa may have diminished or evolved, its normative influence continues to shape expectations concerning leadership, consultation, accountability, and social responsibility. Institutional resilience in the Borana context is therefore relational, negotiated, and adaptive.

4.3. Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa as Adaptive Reconciliation Mechanisms

The findings highlight just how crucial Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa are when it comes to tackling the relational aspects of conflict. An elder from Arero shared a poignant thought: “Even after a decision is made, people must sit together again and talk; otherwise, peace is not finished” (KII, Elder, Arero). This insight reveals that peace isn’t just about resolving a disagreement; it’s really about mending relationships. Jaarsummaa relies on the wisdom of elders, whose authority stems from their experience, social trust, moral integrity, and deep understanding of customary practices. Gumii creates a communal space for discussion and negotiation, while Araaraa focuses on reconciliation, forgiveness, and rebuilding connections. Previous research also points to jaarsummaa as a well-established Oromo practice that involves elders in mediation and reconciliation, with Siiqqee and Gumaa also playing roles in managing conflicts and restoring harmony after disputes. During my fieldwork, I had the chance to observe customary discussions and interactions related to reconciliation, which added a valuable layer to these findings. I noticed how much emphasis was placed on dialogue, respectful communication, the involvement of elders, and the importance of restoring social ties. These observations aligned well with what participants described. One FGD participant from Dire, explained, “When conflict happens, our main concern is not only to decide who is right or wrong. The elders bring the parties together, allow them to speak and help them restore their relationship. Without restoring the relationship, we cannot say peace has been achieved”. (FGD, Teacher, Dire). Similarly, a KII participant from Yabello emphasized the relational dimention of customary reconciliation, stating, “Our customary reconciliation is about bringing people back together. The role of elders is to listen to both sides, guide them toward understanding, and restore the social relationship that has been damaged by conflict”. (KII, scholar, Yabello). These accounts demonstrate that customary reconciliation is more about nurturing relationships than simply figuring out who was right or wrong. The alignment between the interviews, focus group discussions, and my observations is quite striking. Participants articulated the principles and goals of reconciliation, while my observations shed light on how these ideas were brought to life through their interactions. This alignment reinforces the idea that customary reconciliation holds significant meaning because it addresses the social and relational aspects that go beyond just settling a dispute formally. These findings align with Lederach’s (1997) assertion that for reconciliation to be truly sustainable, we need to focus on relationships. They also echo Ethiopian research that highlights the ongoing importance of traditional conflict-resolution methods alongside formal legal systems (Eneyew and Ayalew 2023; Gena and Jarra 2023). However, the evidence from the Borana community shows that we shouldn’t idealize customary reconciliation. Its relevance persists in a landscape where formal courts, administrative bodies, religious groups, and other players are increasingly shaping how conflicts are managed. This suggests that we should see these approaches as complementary rather than one replacing the other. While formal institutions can deliver legally binding decisions, customary processes often tackle the moral, relational, and social impacts that linger even after formal resolutions are reached.

4.4. Preventive Peacebuilding, Moral Education, and Oral Tradition

The findings reveal that Oromo peacebuilding goes beyond just addressing conflicts that are already happening. Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) highlighted that peace values are passed down through family ties, the wisdom of elders, storytelling, proverbs, songs, historical accounts, blessings, and everyday interactions. A young participant from Yabello shared, “I learn how to live in peace by listening to our elders, not just from books” (FGD, Youth Participant, Yabello). Another youth noted, “Even insulting words can break nagaa” (FGD, Youth Participant, Yabello). These insights illustrate the relational and moral aspects of nagaa. Peace isn’t just about the absence of violence; it encompasses respect, dignity, effective communication, and responsible social behavior. An elder from Dire remarked, “Our history is carried in our words and teachings” (KII, Elder, Dire). Meanwhile, a teacher from Yabello expressed worry that “Young people are losing connection to stories that teach them how to live in peace” (FGD, Teacher, Yabello). Together, these perspectives and my own observations point to both continuity and vulnerability in how these values are passed down through generations. Observation played a crucial role here, allowing me to look at social interactions and participation rather than relying solely on past accounts. During my time in the field, I noticed the presence and engagement of elders, community members, and youth in traditional settings. These interactions showed that cultural knowledge is shared not just through direct teaching but also through participation, listening, dialogue, and observing accepted social behaviors. This reinforces the idea of nagaa as a relational and holistic view of peace (Fekede et al. 2024; Keno 2025). It also aligns with research indicating that Gadaa-based peacebuilding incorporates preventive elements rooted in moral values and social norms, in addition to strategies for addressing conflicts once they arise. The findings indicate that for cultural resilience to thrive there needs to be a proactive effort in passing down and reinterpreting traditions. While oral traditions play a crucial role, their survival hinges on whether younger generations are given genuine chances to engage with and take part in the institutions and social connections that help them learn these values.

4.5. Siiqqee and Women’s Adaptive Moral Authority

The findings reveal that Siiqqee remains a powerful symbol of women’s moral authority and their role in peacebuilding, even as some traditional ceremonies have faded from view. A statement from an Arero woman participant, “Siiqqee is still in our voice when we demand justice”. It perfectly captures how the essence of this institution can endure, even when its outward expressions evolve. This aligns with previous research that highlights Siiqqee as a vital institution through which Oromo women assert their social and moral authority, tackling issues of injustice and upholding social order (Kumsa 1997; Debela 2020). Notably, Debela (2020) underscores the importance of Siiqqee in facilitating women’s involvement in indigenous peacebuilding efforts, while Kumsa (1997) illustrates its broader significance in the social organization and collective action of Oromo women. The current ethnographic evidence builds on these earlier studies by demonstrating that the meaning of Siiqqee can still resonate through modern calls for justice and social responsibility, even if some of its traditional practices are less commonly seen today. Additionally, the findings suggest that Siiqqee should be viewed as part of a larger network of Oromo indigenous peace institutions, which also includes Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa. Jaarsummaa relies on the moral authority, wisdom, and social trust of elders, who use dialogue, negotiation, and mediation to settle disputes and mend relationships (Boege 2006; Eneyew and Ayalew 2023). Gumii serves as a communal space for consultation, discussion, and decision-making, while Araaraa focuses on reconciliation, restoration, and rebuilding relationships after conflict. These interconnected practices align with research that highlights the role of Oromo indigenous institutions in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and fostering social cohesion (Fekede et al. 2024; Oljira 2024). The findings align with research indicating that indigenous systems continue to function alongside formal institutions, rather than fading away as modern governance expands (Gena and Jarra 2023; Disassa Mulleta 2025). This suggests that when we evaluate institutional continuity, we shouldn’t just look for visible ceremonies, symbols, or familiar organizational structures. Instead, we should also consider the enduring values and functions of these institutions, such as nagaa, safuu, dhugaa, kabaja, justice, reconciliation, and collective responsibility (Alamayo 2021; Fekede et al. 2024; Keno 2025). The ethnographic evidence is crucial because it highlights women’s perspectives and the functioning of these institutions within their current social context. Rather than viewing Siiqqee merely as a remnant of the past, the findings reveal how its core principles continue to shape women’s views on justice, dignity, solidarity, and social responsibility. Additionally, the evidence points to a shift in women’s participation, indicating a process of adaptation rather than mere preservation. This trend aligns with the broader concept of adaptive peacebuilding, where local institutions evolve in response to changing circumstances while upholding locally significant principles (de Coning 2018). The findings also connect with the idea of everyday peace, which focuses on how ordinary people maintain peaceful relationships and confront violence through daily practices and social interactions (Mac Ginty 2021). Therefore, the ongoing relevance of Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa should not be assessed solely by whether their traditional forms remain intact. Their resilience is better understood through their ability to adapt to shifting political and socio-cultural landscapes while preserving their foundational values. The findings really bolster the overall argument of the study, showing that indigenous institutions can still hold significant meaning even when their structures and visible practices evolve. Take Siiqqee, for instance; it’s a prime example of how cultural institutions can adapt while still holding onto essential values like dignity, justice, solidarity, and peacebuilding. Similarly, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa illustrate how indigenous peace practices can stay relevant by adjusting their approaches to fit modern circumstances, all while leaning on established cultural values and community ties (Berkes and Ross 2013; Zartman 2000). This evolution shouldn’t be seen as a loss of tradition; rather, it’s a testament to institutional resilience, where cultural knowledge and peace-oriented values are maintained even as conditions change. From an indigenous research standpoint, this continuity is best appreciated by genuinely valuing the knowledge, experiences, and perspectives of the communities themselves (Chilisa 2019; Smith 2021). Ultimately, the findings highlight that the strength of Oromo indigenous peace institutions lies not just in preserving their historical forms but also in their capacity to adapt, renew, and stay relevant in today’s social landscape.

4.6. Legal Pluralism and Institutional Interaction

The findings reveal that traditional and formal justice systems function within interconnected social contexts. An elder from Dire shared, “The court can make a decision, but it’s only the elders who can help people forgive one another” (KII, Elder, Dire). This highlights the difference between legal rulings and the process of mending relationships. This aligns with Disassa’s (2025) insight that Gadaa and state courts engage in a dynamic of institutional positioning and negotiation. Recent studies also indicate that state courts and Gadaa courts coexist, though their relationship can be marked by both rivalry and collaboration. This is crucial because it warns against viewing the interaction between customary and formal institutions as inherently smooth. The observations from the study further illustrate that customary institutions are not functioning in a vacuum when it comes to modern institutions. Community members navigate through various spaces, customary, administrative, religious, and others. As a result, adaptation happens through the interplay of these institutions rather than one completely replacing the other. Moreover, the findings indicate that the context and nature of customary practices are evolving. In rural areas, these practices are still closely tied to elders, Gadaa leaders, community gatherings, and traditional institutions. However, in more dynamic social settings, similar values might also be reflected in religious organizations, neighborhood networks, youth groups, and other community spaces. Therefore, a shift in where these practices occur shouldn’t be seen as a sign that their core values are fading away. At the same time, legal pluralism brings its own set of challenges. Variations in authority, procedures, evidence, enforcement, and institutional credibility can lead to friction between customary and formal systems. The resilience of indigenous institutions therefore depends not only on their internal strength but also on how they negotiate their position within the wider legal and administrative environment.

4.7. Religion and Indigenous Peace Institutions

The findings indicate that even with religious changes, indigenous peace institutions are still very much alive. Participants highlighted how both Christianity and Islam serve as vital sources of moral guidance, while also acknowledging the ongoing importance of elders and traditional reconciliation methods. One participant from Dire shared, “We pray in church or mosque, but when there’s conflict, elders still bring us together” (FGD, Community Participant, Dire). This statement illustrates that religious and customary sources of moral authority can actually coexist, rather than being at odds with each other. As a pastor, development practitioner, and peace building practitioner who has worked closely with communities and has a particular interest in supporting indigenous institutions and exploring the core values embedded in Oromo society, I found this coexistence particularly significant. My engagement in these areas also helped me recognize that religious identity does not necessary mean the abandonment of indigenous values. Rather, community members may draw upon different moral and institutional resources according to the circumstances they face. In this sense, the findings suggest that values such as nagaa (peace), safuu (moral and ethical conduct), respect, reconciliation, and collective responsibility continue to provide an important foundation for social relationships, even within communities that have experienced significant religious transformation.

This aligns with Ta’a’s (2016) exploration of how religious change interacts with customary institutions among the Borana. Historical studies on the Borana reveal that converting to Christianity or Islam didn’t wipe out the customary cultural and ritual practices tied to the Gadaa system. Instead of framing religion and indigenous institutions as direct competitors, the evidence suggests that community members often tap into various sources of moral and institutional authority based on the specific social issue at hand. This reflects a form of institutional adaptation in which indigenous values continue to find expression within changing religious and social context. At the same time, it’s important to recognize that this relationship isn’t without its tensions. Religious changes can shift perceptions of customary practices, especially when certain rituals or cultural expressions are interpreted differently through religious lenses. Thus, the findings highlight a dynamic of negotiation and coexistence, rather than a scenario of complete integration or total separation.

4.8. Indigenous Institutions, Marginalization, and Resilience

The findings shed light on the ongoing tensions between the legitimacy of indigenous institutions and their marginalization within centralized administrative frameworks. An elder from Dire shared, “They say our way is old, but it still solves problems better than anything else” (KII, Elder, Dire). This statement perfectly captures the struggle between being sidelined by formal institutions and the enduring legitimacy that communities still hold. Participants highlighted several key reasons for their continued trust in customary institutions, including accessibility, cultural relevance, social trust, local accountability, and the restoration of relationships. These insights align with indigenous and decolonial perspectives that champion the validity of knowledge systems rooted in local contexts (Chilisa 2019; Smith 2021). Research on Oromo and other Ethiopian customary practices also points to strengths like accessibility, participation, flexibility, social legitimacy, and relationship restoration, while also noting the challenges posed by institutional weakening and interactions with formal systems. However, the findings challenge the notion of an idealized view of indigenous institutions. Factors such as formal litigation, urbanization, religious shifts, generational changes, migration, and evolving lifestyles exert considerable pressure on these institutions. Observations indicate that customary institutions function within a broader contemporary institutional landscape rather than in isolation. Thus, resilience coexists with vulnerability. Ultimately, the findings suggest that marginalization doesn’t always lead to the disappearance of institutions. An institution might lose some of its formal authority but still maintain social legitimacy and normative influence. This distinction is crucial for grasping the adaptive resilience of Oromo indigenous peace institutions.

4.9. Integrating the Three Sources of Evidence

When you look at the big picture, the Key Informant Interviews (KIIs), Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and participant observations all work together to create a well-rounded view of the situation. The KIIs offered rich insights from elders, community leaders, and other informed individuals about the history of institutions, authority, peace practices, and the changes over time. Meanwhile, the FGDs highlighted shared views, differences, and the perspectives of different generations on peace practices and how culture is passed down. Lastly, participant observation showed us how these values and principles are brought to life through social interactions and traditional settings. I carried out my fieldwork observations from June 3 to August 26, 2024, in the areas of Yabello, Dire, and Arero. Throughout this time, I witnessed various interactions among elders, community members, and indigenous institutions, focusing on aspects like dialogue, collective decision-making, reconciliation, dispute resolution, and social cohesion. I made sure to capture relevant activities and settings through photographs, always with the necessary permissions and a keen respect for privacy and cultural norms. These images served as supplementary documentation, complementing the primary qualitative data rather than replacing it. The observational evidence played a crucial role, allowing me to compare what participants shared with what I actually saw in practice. Overall, my observations aligned with participants’ accounts, highlighting the significance of dialogue, the authority of elders, collective involvement, reconciliation, and harmonious social relations. However, it also became clear that these practices exist within the framework of modern institutional and social conditions, underscoring the idea that adaptation is a negotiated process rather than just a matter of preservation. The alignment of these three sources of information bolsters the credibility of my findings. Where the narratives from participants and my observations matched, the evidence reinforced the view of indigenous institutions as ongoing sources of peace and social cohesion. Conversely, when the contemporary context revealed institutional pressures or shifts in practices, my observations illustrated that resilience doesn’t equate to a lack of change.

5. Discussion

The central findings from this study are that Oromo indigenous peace institutions have a remarkable ability to adapt while still holding onto their core peace-oriented values. This finding challenges the simplistic view that these institutions are either left untouched or completely replaced by modern systems. The evidence highlights a crucial difference between how institutions are structured and the values they uphold. The phrase, “Even if systems change, I still know what safuu teaches us,” really drives this point home. Berkes and Ross (2013) define resilience as the ability of social systems to adjust while still fulfilling essential functions and values. The Borana case adds to this idea by showing that indigenous institutions can keep their normative influence, even when their organizational structures, authority, and operational environments shift. The insights regarding nagaa, safuu, and dhugaa further illustrate that Oromo peace philosophy is both normative and relational. Nagaa focuses on fostering harmonious social relationships and overall wellbeing; safuu offers moral guidance for appropriate behavior; and dhugaa links peace with truth, justice, and fairness. This aligns with research that highlights the holistic nature of Oromo peace (Fekede et al. 2024; Keno 2025) and underscores the significance of safuu in Oromo moral thinking (Alamayo 2021). Additionally, these findings challenge the assumptions that modernization leads to institutional decline. Gena and Jarra (2023) point out those customary institutions might lose influence as society changes and reliance on formal legal systems grows. However, this study doesn’t contradict that idea. Instead, it shows that while one aspect of an institution may decline, it can still adapt in other ways. An institution might lose some formal authority but still maintain its normative influence, restorative roles, social legitimacy, or symbolic importance. The relationship between customary and formal institutions is better seen as a negotiated coexistence rather than a straightforward replacement. Disassa (2025) plays a crucial foundation for understanding how Gadaa institutions interact with state courts. His research reveals that individuals within both systems may view these institutions in conflicting ways, yet they also acknowledge the social legitimacy and restorative role that Gadaa institutions play. The current findings build on this idea by showing, through participant observation, that customary practices are still very much alive in today’s institutional settings. The insights regarding Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa align well with Lederach’s (1997) focus on the importance of relationships in achieving sustainable reconciliation. Evidence from the Borana community indicates that reconciliation goes beyond merely reaching an agreement or resolving a conflict; it’s about mending relationships and restoring a sense of belonging within the community. This focus on relationships adds a valuable perspective to discussions on restorative peacebuilding, illustrating how locally rooted institutions view peace as intertwined with social connections and collective responsibility.

Additionally, the findings echo Mac Ginty’s (2021) exploration of everyday peace. Peace isn’t just created through formal agreements or institutions; it’s also nurtured through daily practices like communication, respect, accommodation, social interaction, and managing relationships. The Oromo concepts of nagaa and safuu beautifully capture these culturally specific expressions of everyday peace. Lastly, the findings related to Siiqqee highlight that indigenous institutions can evolve in form while still holding significant normative value. Women’s narratives reveal that the essence of Siiqqee remains tied to justice, dignity, moral authority, and social responsibility, even if it’s traditional manifestations are less visible today. This aligns with research that recognizes Siiqqee as a vital component of the community’s social fabric. At the same time, the findings remind us not to idealize indigenous institutions. The evidence reveals that these customary systems are under pressure from various factors like formal courts, state administration, urbanization, migration, and shifts in religion, education, technology, and changes across generations. This adaptive resilience brings both opportunities and challenges. While some changes might enhance their relevance, others could undermine traditional authority or hinder the passing down of knowledge between generations. The study argues that we shouldn’t automatically view institutional change as a sign of cultural decline. Instead, the key question to consider is whether the fundamental values of peace, relationships, and social functions still hold meaning and legitimacy in the face of change. In the Borana context, adaptation itself plays a crucial role in maintaining cultural continuity. The combination of Key Informant Interviews (KII), Focus Group Discussions (FGD), and observational evidence bolsters the credibility of this interpretation. Participants described indigenous institutions as ongoing sources of peace, justice, reconciliation, and moral guidance. FGDs illustrated how these meanings are collectively shaped among different social groups, while observations provided direct evidence of how customary values and practices manifest in social settings. Additionally, photographic documentation offered extra evidence of the environments and activities observed during the fieldwork. The findings clearly show that Oromo indigenous peace institutions are not just outdated relics or entities that have faded away. Instead, they are dynamic organizations that evolve, relying on their ability to adapt to modern challenges while upholding essential values like nagaa, safuu, dhugaa, kabaja, reconciliation, accountability, and collective responsibility.

This study makes significant contributions to the field in four key ways. First, it enhances our understanding of how indigenous institutions can be resilient; illustrating that adaptation can signify cultural continuity rather than a decline in cultural identity. Second, it sheds light on Oromo indigenous governance by highlighting the ongoing importance of Gadaa principles, such as accountability, consultation, legitimate leadership, and collective responsibility. Third, it enriches the discourse on restorative peacebuilding by showcasing the enduring roles of Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa in dialogue, mediation, reconciliation, and rebuilding relationships. Lastly, it adds to the conversation about women’s roles and cultural transmission by demonstrating how Siiqqee continues to embody women’s moral authority, even as its expressions evolve. On a broader scale, the study illustrates that customary and formal institutions can thrive together through negotiated and adaptive relationships, rather than simply replacing one another. The Borana case exemplifies that indigenous peacebuilding should not be viewed solely as the preservation of traditional practices. Its true importance lies in the ongoing capacity of indigenous institutions and values to adapt to changing circumstances while fostering social relationships, moral accountability, justice, reconciliation, and collective responsibility.

6. Conclusion and Recommendations

6.1. Conclusion

This study has gone deep into how Oromo indigenous peace institutions are adapting to the ever-changing landscape of political, social, religious, and cultural conditions while still holding onto their core values centered on peace. By utilizing key informant interviews (KIIs), focus group discussions (FGDs), participant observation, and additional photographic documentation gathered from Yabello, Dire, and Arero, the results reveal that institutions like Gadaa, Siiqqee, Jaarsummaa, Gumii, and Araaraa still hold significant social meaning, even though their structures, authority, and operational areas have evolved. Their ongoing relevance is better understood through the lens of adaptive continuity rather than simply preserving traditional forms unchanged. The study highlights how factors such as state administration, formal courts, shifts in religious practices, formal education, urbanization, migration, economic changes, technological advancements, and generational shifts have all transformed the environments in which these indigenous institutions function. While some traditional roles have diminished, shifted, or begun to interact more with formal institutions, the findings indicate that the fundamental values tied to nagaa (peace), safuu (respect), dhugaa (truth), kabaja (dignity), reconciliation, accountability, and collective responsibility still play a crucial role in shaping community perspectives on peace, justice, leadership, and social duty. The combination of insights from KIIs, FGDs, and observational data further illustrates that these values are not just relics of the past or mere concepts discussed by participants; they are actively expressed through social interactions and customary practices. Observations of dialogue, group discussions, elder involvement, reconciliation efforts, conflict resolution, and community engagement complemented what participants shared, showcasing how indigenous peace principles function within today’s social and institutional contexts. The photographic documentation also provided valuable visual evidence of the environments and activities witnessed during the fieldwork.

Ultimately, these findings challenge the simplistic notion of a divide between tradition and modernity. These findings challenged the idea that tradition and modernity are at odds with each other. Oromo indigenous peace institutions don’t just exist in a bubble away from today’s governance and social frameworks; they actually engage with formal courts, state administration, religious organizations, educational systems, and the evolving expectations of the community. Their ability to adapt comes from a mix of negotiation, reinterpretation, and selective preservation, evolving ways of participation, and passing down values through generations. The main takeaway here is that adaptation plays a crucial role in the resilience of cultural and institutional frameworks. When we see changes in how institutions are structured, who holds authority, where they operate, or how they function, it doesn’t automatically mean that the culture is fading away. For instance, the ongoing impact of safuu on younger generations, the evolving expression of Siiqqee, the healing roles of Jaarsummaa and Araaraa, the guiding principles of Gadaa, and the passing down of peace values through oral traditions all showcase various ways that cultural continuity adapts over time. However, this study doesn’t imply that indigenous institutions are static, equally effective in every situation, or should take the place of formal governance and justice systems. Rather, it highlights that their importance lies in specific roles and forms of legitimacy, particularly their ability to foster dialogue, reconciliation, social bonds, moral accountability, collective responsibility, and culturally relevant approaches to peace. Therefore, the study suggests that peacebuilding and governance efforts should view Oromo indigenous institutions as dynamic, living systems rather than mere relics of the past. Engaging meaningfully with these institutions should take into account community legitimacy, cultural diversity, gender considerations, human rights, and the evolving contexts in which traditional practices exist. Working together with both customary and formal institutions can be especially beneficial, allowing each to leverage their strengths while upholding legal and human rights standards. In the end, the ongoing relevance of Oromo indigenous peace institutions lies in their ability to bridge traditional cultural values with modern realities. Concepts like Nagaa, safuu, and dhugaa are not just echoes of a former era; they are vital resources that help communities navigate peace, justice, reconciliation, social unity, and responsible governance. The strength of these institutions is not about resisting change but rather about adapting to it.

6.2. Recommendations

Based on the study’s findings, here are some recommendations to consider:

Recognize and empower genuine indigenous peace institutions. It’s crucial for policy makers, peacebuilding organizations, and development partners to recognize Oromo indigenous peace institutions like Gadaa, Jaarsummaa, Araaraa, Gumii, and Siiqqee as dynamic social entities with deep-rooted legitimacy in their communities. The focus should be on enhancing their roles in peacebuilding and reconciliation, rather than trying to mold them into rigid, unchanging traditional frameworks.
Encourage positive collaboration between customary and formal institutions. Government justice and administrative bodies should create effective channels for constructive interaction between customary institutions and formal courts and governance systems. This collaboration can play a vital role in resolving community disputes, fostering reconciliation, and enhancing social unity, all while ensuring that customary practices align with constitutional, legal, and human rights standards.
Integrate indigenous peace knowledge into peacebuilding initiatives. Peacebuilding organizations and development partners working within Oromo communities should weave in locally relevant concepts like Nagaa, Safuu, Dhugaa, Kabaja, reconciliation, collective responsibility, and dialogue into their peacebuilding and social cohesion efforts. This integration should stem from community consultations and acknowledge the diversity among Oromo communities, rather than assuming a one-size-fits-all approach to customary practices.
Strengthening the intergenerational transmission of indigenous peace values. Educational institutions, community leaders, elders, and cultural organizations should come together to create opportunities for young people to dive into the rich world of Oromo indigenous peace values, customary institutions, oral traditions, and ethical principles. Schools, community forums, storytelling sessions, documentation efforts, and youth dialogue platforms can all play a vital role in passing down these values, while also giving younger generations the chance to reinterpret them in ways that resonate with today’s society.
Strengthen the participation and leadership of women. Greater attention should be given to shine a light on the important role women and institutions like Siiqqee play in modern peacebuilding. Peacebuilding and governance initiatives should open up meaningful avenues for women to engage in dialogue, mediation, reconciliation, community decision-making, and leadership. At the same time, we must critically assess and address any barriers that might hinder their involvement in customary institutions.
Document and preserve indigenous peace knowledge. Universities, research institutions, cultural organizations, and community elders should join forces to systematically document the rich tapestry of Oromo indigenous peace institutions, oral traditions, customary laws, conflict-resolution mechanisms, and key concepts like Nagaa, Safuu, and Dhugaa. This documentation should adhere to ethical standards, respect the community’s ownership of indigenous knowledge, and ensure that culturally sensitive information is not extracted or commercialized without the community’s consent.
Support adaptive approaches instead of sticking to static ones when it comes to customary institutions. It’s important for policies and programs to understand that just because institutions are changing; it doesn’t mean that culture is in decline. We should support legitimate customary institutions in evolving to meet the demands of shifting political, social, religious, economic, technological, and generational landscapes, all while holding onto their core values that promote peace.
Develop context sensitive strategies tailored to the diverse Oromo communities. Policymakers and peacebuilding practitioners should avoid applying a single model of Oromo indigenous peacebuilding across the board. The unique experiences of Borana, Guji, Arsi, Wollega, and other Oromo communities show that customary institutions can vary widely in their structure, authority, practices, and adaptability. Therefore, any interventions should be rooted in local contexts and crafted through meaningful consultations with community members.
Encourage more comparative and longitudinal research. Universities and researchers should dive deeper into studies that explore how Oromo indigenous peace institutions are evolving over time and how their values intersect with formal governance, justice systems, religious institutions, education, urbanization, migration, and technological advancements. Future research should also look into how effective and limited these customary mechanisms are in various conflict scenarios and social environments.