1. Introduction

Peace is one of the most essential goals for human societies and a persistent focus for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners alike. Traditionally, peacebuilding has leaned heavily on state institutions, legal frameworks, and international interventions. However, there’s a growing recognition of the importance of indigenous knowledge systems in preventing conflict, fostering reconciliation, and maintaining social harmony. In Africa, indigenous governance institutions have long served as locally accepted methods for resolving disputes, ensuring accountability, and enhancing social cohesion. These systems are increasingly seen as valuable partners to formal governance because they are deeply rooted in community involvement, shared moral values, and culturally accepted norms of justice (Lederach 2014; Boege 2018; Mac Ginty 2021). This renewed focus signals a broader shift in peace and governance studies towards approaches that are locally owned and culturally relevant. Modern scholars argue that achieving sustainable peace cannot rely solely on externally imposed institutions or legal reforms. Instead, lasting peace hinges on local traditions, community engagement, and indigenous knowledge systems that have been honed over generations to manage conflict and promote social harmony (Chilisa 2020; Smith 2021). This perspective challenges the earlier belief that modern state institutions alone can provide justice and stability. It highlights that indigenous governance systems are vibrant sources of knowledge that continue to influence social order and collective well-being. In this wider African context, the Oromo people of Ethiopia have cultivated one of the continent’s most intricate indigenous governance traditions. At the heart of this tradition lies the concept of nagaa, a holistic philosophy of peace that goes beyond merely avoiding violence.

In Oromo culture, peace is seen as a state of harmonious relationships that connect individuals, families, communities, nature, and Waaqa (God). It thrives on principles like justice, ethical behavior, mutual respect, reconciliation, and a sense of shared responsibility. So, peace isn’t just a fleeting result of resolving conflicts; it’s viewed as a lasting moral duty that influences daily social interactions. The Oromo philosophy of nagaa (Peace) is woven into a network of indigenous structures that guide political authority, social duties, conflict resolution, and moral education. A key player in this framework is the Gadaa system (Indigenous socio-political and governance system), which offers a democratic approach marked by rotating leadership, accountability, active participation, and the peaceful transfer of power. By organizing society into age groups, clearly defining leadership roles, and ensuring regular power transitions, Gadaa aims to prevent political oppression while fostering collective decision-making and social justice (Legesse 1973; 2000). The Gadaa system’s recognition by UNESCO in 2016 highlights its importance as a vibrant cultural heritage and a lasting example of indigenous governance. Alongside the Gadaa system is the Siiqqee institution (Women’s institution/symbol of women’s authority) , which acknowledges the vital role of Oromo women in upholding justice, social equilibrium, and reconciliation. Through Siiqqee, women take on collective responsibility to tackle injustice, safeguard community well-being, and restore social harmony. Together with councils of elders, traditional mediation practices, and a rich oral history, these institutions form a cohesive indigenous peace system where governance, ethics, spirituality, and social connections are deeply intertwined. Thus, peace is nurtured not just through political frameworks but also through everyday actions, shared cultural values, and a collective sense of moral duty.

Recent research has increasingly acknowledged the vital role that indigenous governance systems play in modern peacebuilding and conflict resolution. Studies have shown that institutions rooted in local communities often have more legitimacy, public trust, and long-lasting impact compared to peacebuilding efforts imposed from the outside (Boege 2018; Mac Ginty 2021). In Ethiopia, for instance, research has underscored the ongoing significance of the Gadaa system in resolving conflicts, ensuring leadership accountability, and fostering community reconciliation (UNESCO 2016; Debisa 2022). Likewise, investigations into indigenous knowledge highlight that oral traditions, customary laws, and community-based institutions are crucial for passing down ethical values and bolstering social resilience in our rapidly evolving societies (Chilisa 2020; Smith 2021). However, there are still notable gaps in the current literature. Much of the existing scholarship has concentrated on the Gadaa system as a political institution, on Siiqqee as a means for women’s involvement, or on customary conflict resolution as a standalone practice. While these studies have provided valuable insights, they often look at these individual institutions in isolation rather than examining how they work together within a broader philosophy of peace. As a result, the concept of nagaa, which encompasses governance, morality, spirituality, gender relations, restorative justice, ecological responsibility, and collective identity, has not received the attention it deserves. Moreover, even though the global acknowledgment of indigenous governance has sparked renewed academic interest, there are still relatively few empirical studies that explore how Oromo communities understand, practice, and pass on indigenous peace values in today’s world, which is shaped by political shifts, social changes, urbanization, and the growth of state institutions. The existing research also offers limited ethnographic insights into these dynamics.

This study dives into the historical roots and current importance of peace in Oromo society through an ethnographic lens, focusing on the Yabello, Dire and Arero Districts of East Borana Zone, Oromia Region, Ethiopia. By utilizing key informant interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation, and documentary analysis, it sheds light on how indigenous institutions, moral values, oral traditions, and customary practices work together to uphold peace within the community. Instead of simply seeing peace as the absence of conflict, this research explores nagaa as a vibrant cultural philosophy that continues to influence governance, social relationships, conflict resolution, and everyday community life.

How has the concept of nagaa been understood, practiced, and maintained within Oromo society, and what significance does it hold for modern peacebuilding and governance?

To tackle this broad question, the study delves into several supporting subquestions:

  1. How has the idea of nagaa evolved and been practiced throughout the history of Oromo society?

  2. What roles do traditional institutions and practices, such as Gadaa, Siiqqee, elders, and oral traditions, play in fostering peace?

  3. In what ways do the indigenous peace traditions of the Oromo contribute to current efforts in peacebuilding and governance?

  4. What strategies can be employed to enhance the documentation, preservation, and revitalization of Oromo indigenous peace knowledge for future generations?

These questions work together to guide the analysis, moving from a historical and cultural understanding of nagaa to the institutions and practices that uphold it, its relevance today, and the strategies needed to preserve and revitalize this vital indigenous peace knowledge.

This study adds to the expanding field of research on indigenous governance and peacebuilding in three significant ways. First, it redefines nagaa as a comprehensive philosophy that weaves together political authority, moral responsibility, spirituality, gender balance, restorative justice, and ecological ethics. Second, it presents original ethnographic insights from Borana communities, illustrating how indigenous peace institutions operate alongside formal state systems. Lastly, it enriches modern conversations about decolonizing peacebuilding by demonstrating that indigenous knowledge systems are not just remnants of the past; they are vibrant institutions that provide culturally relevant and sustainable methods for conflict resolution, inclusive governance, and social unity in Ethiopia and beyond.

2. Literature Review and Theoretical Framework

2.1. Indigenous Peacebuilding and African Knowledge Systems

In the last twenty years, the field of peacebuilding has come to a significant realization: achieving lasting peace isn’t just about state institutions, legal frameworks, or interventions designed from the outside. Scholars are increasingly highlighting the importance of locally rooted knowledge systems, customary institutions, and culturally accepted governance methods. These elements are essential for preventing conflict, resolving disputes, and fostering social cohesion (Lederach 2014; Boege 2018; Mac Ginty 2021). This change in perspective stems from a growing frustration with peacebuilding strategies that focus solely on formal political agreements while neglecting the valuable knowledge and skills found within local communities. Throughout Africa, indigenous governance systems have traditionally played a vital role in managing political authority, mediating conflicts, ensuring social accountability, and upholding shared moral values. Instead of relying mainly on coercive power or punitive measures, these systems prioritize dialogue, consensus-building, restorative justice, collective responsibility, and reconciliation (Boege 2018). Thus, indigenous peace institutions are not just relics of cultural heritage; they are vibrant governance systems that actively contribute to conflict management and enhance community resilience in numerous African societies.

Recent research is shaking up the old narrative that indigenous institutions can’t mesh with modern governance. More and more scholars are suggesting that we should see indigenous and formal governance systems as partners rather than opposites. By blending customary institutions with state structures, hybrid governance arrangements can boost legitimacy, encourage public participation, and lead to more sustainable peace outcomes (Mac Ginty 2021). This viewpoint lays a crucial groundwork for looking at Oromo indigenous institutions not as outdated relics but as vibrant systems that actively shape governance and peacebuilding in today’s Ethiopia.

2.2. The Oromo Philosophy of Nagaa

For the Oromo people, peace is captured in the concept of nagaa, which goes well beyond just the absence of conflict. Nagaa embodies a deep understanding of harmonious relationships among individuals, families, communities, nature, and Waaqa (God). It includes elements like justice, truthfulness, mutual respect, reconciliation, spiritual well-being, and responsible care for the environment. Thus, peace is seen as an ongoing social and moral state that needs to be nurtured through ethical behavior and shared responsibility. Pioneering studies by Asmarom Legesse (1973; 2000), Mohammed Hassen (1990), and Bartels (1983) lay the groundwork for grasping Oromo society, governance, and religious beliefs. Their research shows that the social organization of the Oromo has historically been shaped by interconnected institutions that oversee leadership, social duties, and community ties. These studies are still vital today as they chronicle the historical development of Oromo institutions before they faced major political changes.

Recent studies have deepened our understanding by highlighting that nagaa is not just a concept from the past; it’s a living philosophy that actively shapes community relationships and indigenous conflict resolution today. For instance, Debisa (2022) points out that the Oromo philosophy of peace offers practical tools for mediation, reconciliation, consensus-building, and restorative justice that are still very much applicable in modern Ethiopia. Similarly, recent articles in the Gadaa Journal reveal that peace in Oromo society is upheld through a web of moral values like safuu, respect for elders, reciprocity, forgiveness, and collective responsibility, rather than relying solely on formal legal penalties (Fekede et al. 2024). These insights suggest that nagaa should be seen as more than just a cultural ideal; it’s a comprehensive philosophy that weaves together governance, morality, spirituality, environmental ethics, and social responsibility. This broader perspective sets Oromo indigenous peace apart from many traditional views that see peace mainly as the absence of war.

2.3. Gadaa as Indigenous Democratic Governance

The Gadaa system is often celebrated as one of Africa’s most advanced indigenous governance frameworks. Legesse (1973) characterizes Gadaa as a well-structured democratic system that operates on age-grade organization, rotational leadership, periodic political authority transfers, accountability, and collective decision-making. Unlike hereditary political systems, leadership in Gadaa is temporary, organized, and open to public scrutiny, which helps to minimize the chances of political domination and the misuse of power.

Legesse’s later work from 2000 makes a compelling case that the Gadaa system showcases democratic principles that were present in indigenous African societies long before modern liberal democracies came onto the scene. In this framework, leadership is seen more as a form of public service rather than a display of personal power. Accountability is upheld through various institutional checks, regular leadership changes, and active involvement from the community. Recent studies have bolstered this perspective, showing that Gadaa remains a vibrant institution even as formal state governance expands. Debisa (2022) highlights how Gadaa plays a crucial role in preventing conflicts, mediating disputes, fostering reconciliation, and building peace within Oromo communities. Additionally, UNESCO’s recognition of the Gadaa system on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity underscores its ongoing impact on democratic governance, social unity, smooth leadership transitions, and cultural identity (UNESCO 2016). Modern researchers are also pointing out that the Gadaa system holds important lessons for governance reform, emphasizing transparency, accountability, public engagement, and the peaceful transfer of political power. Instead of seeing indigenous governance as at odds with contemporary institutions, recent scholarship increasingly acknowledges its potential to enhance inclusive governance and promote sustainable peace across Africa.

2.4. Siiqqee Women’s Institution and Peace Leadership

The Siiqqee institution stands out as a remarkable aspect of Oromo indigenous governance, as it officially acknowledges the moral and social authority of women. Research by Kumsa (1997) highlighted that Siiqqee empowers women with the collective authority to confront injustice, uphold human dignity, and restore social harmony. Through this institution, women take on roles that enhance, rather than compete with, the leadership functions of the Gadaa system. More recent studies have shown that when women engage in indigenous governance, it greatly boosts community resilience, helps prevent conflicts, and fosters reconciliation. Aregash (2019) points out that Siiqqee serves as a vital platform for women to advocate for justice, safeguard vulnerable members of the community, and enhance social accountability. Instead of sidelining women from political affairs, the Oromo system has historically nurtured complementary institutions that share governance responsibilities throughout society. This perspective challenges the earlier belief that indigenous African governance systems were entirely patriarchal. Instead, the interplay between Gadaa and Siiqqee presents a model of gender complementarity, where men and women fulfill different yet mutually supportive roles in maintaining peace, justice, and social stability.

Oral tradition serves as a vital lifeline for indigenous societies, helping them keep their history alive, pass down moral values, and maintain a shared identity through the ages. Unlike written forms of knowledge, oral traditions are woven into the fabric of daily life, expressed through storytelling, proverbs, songs, rituals, blessings, public discussions, and conversations between generations. Scholars of indigenous knowledge emphasize that we shouldn’t just see oral traditions as historical accounts; instead, they are vibrant educational systems that influence ethical behavior, social responsibility, and community unity (Chilisa 2020; Smith 2021). For the Oromo people, oral traditions are crucial in upholding the philosophy of nagaa, or peace. Elders share cultural wisdom through stories, proverbs (mammaaksa), blessings, customary ceremonies, and community dialogues that teach younger generations about justice, respect, forgiveness, responsibility, and living harmoniously. These traditions reinforce safuu, the Oromo moral code that guides relationships among people, communities, nature, and Waaqa (God). In this way, peace is not just an abstract idea; it’s a way of life that is actively practiced. Recent studies highlight that indigenous knowledge systems still hold significant value, even in the face of urbanization, formal education, and globalization. However, these same influences have made it harder for knowledge to be passed down between generations in many communities (Smith 2021). As younger generations increasingly turn to formal education, which often overlooks indigenous philosophies, there’s a real risk that these precious peace traditions could fade away. This situation underscores the need to document oral knowledge while also supporting community-driven initiatives to keep cultural practices alive and thriving.

In the Oromo context, oral traditions should be seen not just as stores of historical memory but also as ongoing tools for peace education, moral development, and conflict prevention.

2.5. Restorative Justice and Indigenous Conflict Resolution

Restorative justice has emerged as a powerful framework in modern peacebuilding because it focuses on mending relationships instead of merely punishing those who have done wrong. Unlike retributive methods that zero in on legal penalties, restorative justice aims to rebuild trust, restore social bonds, recognize the harm done, foster accountability, and encourage reconciliation among those affected (Zehr 2015; Braithwaite 2002). These ideas closely align with indigenous conflict resolution methods found across Africa. Instead of treating legal disputes as separate from social ties, indigenous justice systems typically view conflict as a disturbance to community harmony that calls for dialogue, mediation, compensation, forgiveness, and collective healing. The goal is not just to assign blame but to restore peaceful coexistence within the community. In the Oromo culture, conflict resolution embodies these restorative principles through institutions like jaarsummaa (councils of elders), gumii (Assembly/public deliberation) assemblies, customary mediation, and reconciliation ceremonies. Elders play a crucial role in facilitating discussions between conflicting parties, encouraging acknowledgment of wrongs, negotiating compensation when necessary, and promoting forgiveness as a way to restore nagaa. Justice, in this sense, is not merely about punishment but about reestablishing balanced relationships among individuals, families, and communities. Recent research also indicates that Oromo indigenous conflict resolution prioritizes consensus-building, reconciliation, and long-term social harmony over adversarial legal processes (Debisa 2022). Such methods remain incredibly relevant in communities where nurturing social relationships is vital for collective well-being.

This study leans on Johan Galtung’s positive peace theory as one of its key analytical lenses. Galtung (1967; 1996) makes a clear distinction between negative peace, which is simply the absence of direct violence, and positive peace, which is all about justice, equality, cooperation, and eliminating structural forms of violence. So, positive peace goes beyond just stopping armed conflict; it calls for institutions and social relationships that foster dignity, inclusion, and fair participation. Galtung’s framework serves as a solid foundation for exploring Oromo views on peace, as both perspectives highlight the importance of justice, social harmony, and collective well-being. However, the Oromo concept of nagaa takes things a step further in several significant ways. While positive peace mainly focuses on political, social, and economic structures, nagaa weaves in additional elements like spirituality, moral responsibility, cultural identity, ecological balance, and nurturing relationships with Waaqa (God). As a result, this study posits that nagaa embodies a richer, indigenous understanding of peace that enhances and complements modern peace theory. Instead of seeing peace merely as a political state, Oromo philosophy perceives it as a complex web of moral, spiritual, ecological, and social realities, all upheld through ethical behavior and shared responsibility.

This viewpoint adds a valuable layer to ongoing peacebuilding discussions by highlighting how indigenous knowledge systems provide theoretical insights that go beyond traditional Western frameworks.

2.7. Postcolonial and Decolonial Perspectives

Postcolonial studies have shed light on how colonial rule pushed indigenous institutions, knowledge systems, and governance practices to the sidelines. Said (1978) pointed out that colonial narratives often depicted non-Western societies as primitive, irrational, or incapable of self-governance, which in turn justified political control and intellectual exclusion. These portrayals not only shaped colonial administrations but also influenced many postcolonial states, where indigenous institutions still struggle for recognition within formal governance frameworks. In more recent times, decolonial scholars have argued that the process of knowledge production has often favored Western ways of knowing while neglecting indigenous perspectives (Smith 2021; Chilisa 2020; Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2018). To truly decolonize research, we need to acknowledge indigenous knowledge as valid sources of theory, rather than viewing local communities simply as sources of empirical data. In Ethiopia, indigenous governance institutions have often been sidelined due to ongoing political centralization, legal standardization, and administrative reforms. While many customary institutions have continued to operate informally within communities, they frequently find themselves excluded from official governance and policy conversations. However, recent research is increasingly recognizing that these indigenous institutions play a crucial role in conflict management, community resilience, and governance that is seen as legitimate by local people.

The Oromo experience sheds light on a larger issue at play. Institutions like Gadaa, Siiqqee, jaarsummaa, and gumii have managed to endure despite facing political marginalization, largely because they are so deeply woven into the fabric of community life and cultural identity. Their ongoing significance shows that indigenous governance systems are not just relics of the past; they are adaptable institutions that can tackle modern social and political challenges head-on. Acknowledging these institutions as valid knowledge systems not only aids in the decolonization of scholarship but also paves the way for more culturally attuned approaches to peacebuilding and governance.

2.8. Conceptual Framework

In this study, nagaa is envisioned as the core philosophy that ties together the key elements of Oromo indigenous peacebuilding. Instead of operating in isolation, these indigenous institutions work as interconnected mechanisms that together foster peaceful coexistence. On the institutional front, the Gadaa system ensures accountable leadership, encourages participatory governance, and facilitates smooth political transitions. The Siiqqee institution champions social justice through the moral authority of women and their shared responsibilities. Councils of elders (jaarsummaa) play a crucial role in mediation, reconciliation, and resolving disputes according to customary practices, while gumii assemblies serve as platforms for collective discussion and decision-making. All these institutions are guided by the ethical principles of safuu (Moral order, ethical responsibility, and the principle governing proper relationships), which outline the proper relationships among individuals, communities, nature, and Waaqa (God).

Oral traditions play a vital role in passing down values from one generation to the next through storytelling, proverbs, rituals, blessings, and conversations within the community. These intertwined practices and institutions work hand in hand to uphold nagaa, fostering justice, accountability, reconciliation, mutual respect, ecological stewardship, and social harmony. In this light, this study views Oromo peacebuilding not as a mere collection of isolated institutions but as a cohesive indigenous system. Here, governance, morality, spirituality, gender balance, restorative justice, and cultural identity all come together to nurture peaceful coexistence.

3. Methodology

3.1. Research Design

This study took a deep dive into the historical roots and modern-day importance of peace in Oromo society using a qualitative ethnographic research design. Ethnography was chosen because it allows us to grasp nagaa not just as a theoretical idea but as a vibrant cultural philosophy that comes to life through daily social practices, traditional governance, moral values, and community ties. The research was guided by interpretivist and indigenous paradigms, which highlight that knowledge is shaped by social and cultural contexts, emphasizing the importance of learning from communities through dialogue, observation, participation, and a deep respect for indigenous ways of knowing (Chilisa 2020; Smith 2021). The ethnographic fieldwork spanned two months, during which the researcher moved between three different study woredas. Throughout this time, they engaged with community members and observed various social, cultural, and peacebuilding practices. Special focus was placed on traditional governance, community interactions, conflict-resolution methods, and the peaceful transition of power. These observations provided valuable insights into how nagaa, safuu, and other Oromo cultural values are woven into the fabric of everyday community life. To enrich the participant observation, the researcher kept detailed field notes that captured significant interactions, practices, community discussions, and personal reflections during the fieldwork. These observations were then cross-referenced with information gathered from interviews and focus-group discussions, enhancing the credibility of the findings through triangulation. This multifaceted approach allowed the study to explore not just what participants shared about Oromo peace practices, but also how these practices were manifested in real community settings. This methodology was particularly fitting because concepts like nagaa, safuu, Gadaa, and Siiqqee find their true meaning in lived experiences and cultural practices, rather than being defined by outside influences.

3.2. Study Area

This study took place in three districts of East Borana Zone in southern Ethiopia: Yabello, Dire, and Arero. These areas were specifically chosen because they are vital hubs for Oromo indigenous institutions, where traditional practices of governance, conflict resolution, and peacebuilding are still very much alive. Despite facing various social, political, and economic changes, Borana society has managed to retain many aspects of the Gadaa system. Thus, these districts offered a fitting backdrop for exploring how indigenous peace institutions operate in today’s world while engaging with formal government structures.

3.3. Research Participants

To ensure a rich understanding of Oromo indigenous institutions, participants were chosen using purposive and snowball sampling methods, focusing on individuals with deep knowledge and hands-on experience. The participants included: - Gadaa leaders - Community elders - Women well-versed in the Siiqqee institution - Youth representatives - Religious leaders - Community mediators - Teachers - Local government officials acquainted with customary institutions - Cultural experts and historians By including voices from various social groups, the study aimed to gather a wide range of perspectives on the significance and practice of nagaa across different generations and genders.

3.4. Data Collection Methods

To enrich the findings and boost their credibility, a variety of qualitative data collection methods were utilized. Conducted a semi-structured interviews with a diverse group of participants, including elders, Gadaa leaders, religious figures, cultural experts, women representatives, and local officials. These interviews delved into their perspectives on nagaa, indigenous governance, conflict resolution, moral values, and how relevant Oromo peace institutions are in today’s world. The semi-structured format allowed participants the freedom to share their detailed experiences while still maintaining a consistent approach across all interviews. Held Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) separately with elders, women, youth, and community members. These group discussions encouraged participants to come together and reflect on indigenous peace traditions, cultural shifts, the transfer of knowledge across generations, and the challenges of contemporary peacebuilding. The dynamic interactions among participants also led to valuable insights into both shared values and differing viewpoints within the community. Participant observation was a crucial part of the ethnographic approach employed. The researcher took the time to observe community meetings, customary mediation processes, cultural ceremonies, and everyday social interactions whenever it was appropriate. This observation allowed the researcher to not only hears what participants said but also to see how indigenous peace values were woven into daily life. The secondary data was gathered through a review of various sources, including books, peer-reviewed journal articles, policy documents, dissertations, government publications, and UNESCO reports that focused on: - Oromo history - Gadaa governance - Indigenous peacebuilding - Restorative justice - Indigenous knowledge systems - Peace and conflict studies This documentary review provided essential historical context and allowed for comparisons between our empirical findings and existing scholarly work.

3.5. Data Analysis

The data was analyzed the data using thematic analysis, following the six-step framework laid out by Braun and Clarke (2006; 2021). The process included: - Getting familiar with the data by reading through the interview transcripts and field notes multiple times. - Initial coding of significant statements. - Grouping related codes into broader categories. - Developing major themes and subthemes. - Reviewing and refining those themes. - Interpreting the findings in light of existing literature and the study’s theoretical framework. This structured approach helped us identify recurring patterns related to indigenous governance, moral values, restorative justice, gender relations, oral traditions, and modern peacebuilding efforts.

3.6. Trustworthiness of the Study

To boost the quality and credibility of the findings, the researcher followed the criteria suggested by Lincoln and Guba (1985). Credibility was enhanced through prolonged engagement in the field, triangulating multiple data sources, and conducting member checks with selected participants. Transferability was supported by providing rich descriptions of the study context, participants, and cultural setting. Dependability was ensured by keeping detailed field notes, interview records, coding procedures, and an audit trail that documented our analytical decisions. Conformability was bolstered through reflexive note-taking, triangulation, and ongoing comparisons between field evidence and existing literature.

3.7. Ethical Considerations

Before collecting data, ethical approval was secured from the relevant academic authorities at Bule Hora University. Participation in the study was entirely voluntary, and informed consent was obtained from all participants before conducting interviews and discussions. Participants were made aware of: - the purpose of the research, - their right to withdraw at any time, - confidentiality procedures, and - how the research findings would be used.

To ensure the privacy of participants, the researcher has opted to use pseudonyms and broad descriptions (like Community Elder or Yabello) throughout this article. A priority was made to honor indigenous knowledge systems. During the research process; community customs, cultural protocols, and local authority structures weer carefully observed. The findings are shared in a manner that truly represents the participants’ viewpoints while also recognizing the shared ownership of indigenous knowledge.

4. Findings

4.1. Nagaa as the Foundation of Oromo Social Life and Moral Order

The findings from this study reveal that nagaa is at the heart of Oromo social philosophy. It’s not just about the absence of conflict; it embodies a state of harmonious relationships, justice, moral responsibility, and the well-being of the community. Throughout interviews and focus group discussions in Yabello, Dire, and Arero districts, participants consistently highlighted that peace is something that needs to be actively nurtured and upheld through daily social interactions. During the two-month field observation, the researcher also observed that community members frequently emphasized respectful communication and peaceful interaction when discussing social relationships and community concerns. Participants pointed out that simply avoiding physical violence doesn’t make someone peaceful. True peace involves respectful communication, honesty, fairness, forgiveness, and being responsible towards others. As one elder from Dire put it: “Peace is not only when people stop fighting. Peace means people respect one another, support each other, and live with a good heart.” (Key Informant Interview, Elder, Dire) This perspective illustrates a relational understanding of peace, where individual actions have a direct impact on collective harmony. Participants noted that even verbal actions, disrespectful language, or breaches of social values can disrupt nagaa, as peace is seen as a balance among individuals, families, communities, and the broader environment.

A young participant from Yabello shared an insightful thought: “Even words can destroy peace. When someone insults another, it can spark conflict long before any physical altercation occurs.” (Focus Group Discussion, Youth Participant, Yabello) Throughout the discussions, participants often linked the concept of nagaa with the Oromo moral principle of safuu, which outlines the proper way to interact with others and uphold ethical behavior. They explained that safuu serves as a guide for how people should treat elders, neighbors, women, children, animals, nature, and Waaqa. Field observations similarly showed that respect for elders, careful communication and culturally appropriate interaction were treated as important elements of peaceful community life. When safuu is violated, it disrupts not just social relationships but also the spiritual and ecological harmony of the community. These insights suggest that the Oromo view peace as a comprehensive moral framework, rather than just a temporary state that follows conflict.

4.2. Gadaa System as a Framework for Peaceful Governance and Accountability

The findings show that the Gadaa system continues to be a vital indigenous institution that fosters peace, accountability, and responsible leadership within Oromo communities. Participants described Gadaa as more than just a political structure; it’s a moral governance system that outlines authority and clarifies the responsibilities of leaders toward their communities. A common thread among participants was the belief that leadership in Gadaa is seen as a form of service, not a quest for personal power. Leaders are expected to uphold justice, nurture social harmony, and align their actions with community values. As one elder from Yabello put it: “A leader earns respect by safeguarding nagaa. Leadership devoid of justice cannot foster peace.” (Key Informant Interview, Elder, Yabello) Participants pointed out several aspects of Gadaa that enhance peace, including: - rotational leadership, - accountability mechanisms, - community participation, - collective decision-making, - peaceful transfer of authority. They noted that rotating leadership helps prevent the concentration of power and encourages leaders to stay accountable to the community.

The researcher’s field observations also provided practical evidence of the importance attached to peaceful traditional power transition. During the field engagement, discussions and community interactions around traditional leadership demonstrated that leadership was understood as a responsibility to the community rather than permanent personal authority. A participant from Dire shared their thoughts: “In Gadaa, no one holds onto power indefinitely. Each generation understands its role, and leaders are accountable to the people.” (Focus Group Discussion, Community Leader, Dire) The participants also highlighted how Gadaa principles still play a significant role in modern conflict resolution. Even with the presence of formal government institutions, elders and community leaders continue to draw on Gadaa values when dealing with disputes, mending relationships, and fostering reconciliation.

4.3. Elders as Guardians of Peace and Social Reconciliation

The findings reveal that elders play a crucial role in upholding peace within Oromo communities. Participants noted that the respect afforded to elders stems not just from their age but from their wealth of knowledge, moral integrity, wisdom, and the trust they’ve built within the community. Elders are seen as mediators who facilitate communication between conflicting parties, helping them recognize their mistakes, seek forgiveness, and mend their relationships. During field observation, the researcher observed that elders were given prominent space in community discussions and that participants listened attentively to their advice when matters concerning social relationships and peace were discussed. Unlike formal legal systems that often prioritize punishment, elder-led mediation focuses on reconciliation and the restoration of social harmony. One participant from Dire remarked: “An elder earns respect not just for their age but for their ability to unite people.” (Focus Group Discussion, Community Participant, Dire) Participants emphasized that elder mediation is vital because conflicts are perceived as threats to relationships among families and communities, not just individual issues. Thus, resolving conflicts involves healing those social connections. The findings also indicate that elders serve as cultural educators. Through storytelling, proverbs, and community discussions, they pass down essential knowledge about nagaa, safuu, responsibility, and peaceful coexistence to the younger generations.

4.4. Siiqqee Institution and Women’s Contribution to Peacebuilding

The findings of this study highlight the significant role that Oromo women have played in peacebuilding through the Siiqqee institution. Participants described Siiqqee as a powerful platform where women come together to voice their concerns, stand up against injustice, and work towards restoring social harmony. Field observations also showed that women actively participated in community discussions and expressed concerns about social relationships and justice, illustrating the practical importance of women’s voices in maintaining community harmony. Women involved in the discussions stressed that Siiqqee embodies moral authority rather than a competition for political power with men. It empowers women to speak out against harmful actions and advocate for justice. One woman from Arero shared her perspective: “When women raise Siiqqee, people understand that something is wrong and that justice must return.” (Focus Group Discussion, Woman Participant, Arero) Participants noted that Siiqqee has traditionally fulfilled several important peace-related roles: - safeguarding women’s dignity, - addressing social injustices, - discouraging harmful behaviors, - fostering reconciliation, - upholding community morals. These findings challenge the notion that indigenous governance systems sidelined women from social authority. Instead, participants illustrated that Oromo peacebuilding involves a collaborative effort between men and women.

4.5. Oral Tradition and Intergenerational Transmission of Peace Values

The results indicate that oral traditions are still a vital means of preserving and passing down Oromo peace knowledge. Participants highlighted storytelling, proverbs, songs, blessings, and community discussions as key methods through which younger generations absorb values related to respect, cooperation, justice, and reconciliation. During field observation, the researcher noted that elders’ explanations and informal conversations provided opportunities for younger community members to listen to and learn about cultural values and appropriate social conduct. A young participant from Yabello expressed: “I learned how to live with others by listening to elders and traditional teachings, not just from school.” (Focus Group Discussion, Youth Participant, Yabello)

Participants highlighted the vital role that elders play as keepers of our shared memories. Through their oral teachings, they help preserve our historical experiences, cultural values, and important lessons about living in harmony. Yet, there’s a growing concern among participants that modernization, migration, and shifting lifestyles are making it harder for young people to connect with indigenous knowledge. A teacher from Yabello shared their thoughts: “Many young people are losing touch with the stories and teachings that have guided our communities toward peaceful living.” (Focus Group Discussion, Teacher, Yabello) These findings shed light on the strength of Oromo oral traditions while also pointing out the challenges they face in continuing to thrive.

4.6. Restorative Justice and Reconciliation Practices

The study revealed that the Oromo approach to conflict resolution prioritizes restoration over punishment. Participants shared that the goal of resolving conflicts isn’t just about determining who’s right or wrong; it’s about mending broken relationships and bringing back nagaa. Field observations reinforced this understanding, as community discussions concerning disagreements emphasized dialogue, reconciliation, and restoration of relationships rather than simply assigning blame. Some common threads of reconciliation highlighted by participants included: - open dialogue, - admitting wrongdoing, - offering forgiveness, - providing compensation, - mediation by respected elders, - rebuilding relationships. An elder from Dire remarked: “Without fairness, there is no nagaa. Even if people aren’t fighting, injustice means peace is absent.” (Key Informant Interview, Elder, Dire) Participants stressed that justice and peace go hand in hand. A community might seem peaceful on the surface, but underlying injustices can erode true harmony.

4.7. Resilience and Contemporary Challenges of Oromo Indigenous Peace Institutions

The findings show that Oromo indigenous peace institutions have shown remarkable resilience in the face of both historical and modern challenges. Participants noted that even with the growth of formal state institutions, communities still turn to indigenous methods because they resonate culturally and are trusted socially. The researcher’s observations across the three woredas also indicated that indigenous knowledge remained visible in community interactions, particularly through the continued respect given to elders, traditional values, and culturally grounded approaches to maintaining social harmony. However, several challenges were pointed out: - a decline in passing down knowledge across generations, - a lack of documentation for indigenous practices, - diminished recognition from formal institutions, - shifting lifestyles among younger people. An elder from Yabello commented: “Our system has endured because people have practiced it, but it often goes unrecognized since much of our knowledge isn’t written down.” (Key Informant Interview, Elder, Yabello) Despite these hurdles, participants expressed optimism that indigenous peace institutions can keep playing a vital role in modern peacebuilding, provided they are documented, respected, and effectively integrated with formal governance systems.

5. Discussion

5.1. Nagaa and the Expansion of Positive Peace Theory

The findings reveal that the Oromo concept of nagaa embodies a rich philosophy of peace that goes well beyond the traditional view of peace as merely the absence of violence. Participants consistently described peace as intertwined with justice, ethical responsibility, reconciliation, social harmony, spiritual balance, and respectful relationships with nature. This perspective aligns closely with Johan Galtung’s (1967; 1996) distinction between negative and positive peace, particularly his assertion that true peace necessitates confronting social injustice, inequality, and fractured relationships. However, the findings also show that the Oromo interpretation of peace broadens Galtung’s framework by including aspects that are often overlooked in conventional peace theory. While positive peace theory primarily emphasizes social, political, and structural conditions, nagaa encompasses spiritual and ecological dimensions as well. In the Oromo worldview, peace transcends human interactions; it also embraces harmony between people, the natural world, and Waaqa (God). Thus, peace is seen as a moral and relational state that links social existence with spiritual and ecological responsibilities. This insight adds to the larger discussions on indigenous peacebuilding by highlighting that indigenous communities often have nuanced theoretical understandings of peace that existing Western frameworks may not fully capture. Instead of merely imposing external peace concepts onto indigenous societies, this study suggests that indigenous philosophies like nagaa can enhance global peace theory by introducing relational, spiritual, and ecological perspectives.

5.2. Gadaa as Indigenous Democratic Governance and Peace Infrastructure

The findings align with previous research that highlights the Gadaa system as a complex indigenous governance framework rooted in accountability, participation, and the peaceful transfer of power (Legesse 1973; 2000). However, this study takes it a step further by showing that Gadaa should be seen not just as a political entity but also as a vital peace infrastructure that fosters the social conditions essential for lasting peace. Participants pointed out that leadership in Gadaa is deeply intertwined with moral responsibility. Authority is deemed legitimate only when leaders actively protect nagaa, uphold justice, and serve their community. This insight challenges the limited views of governance that separate political management from ethical duties. In the Oromo perspective, good governance is inherently a form of peacebuilding. The findings also back up recent studies indicating that indigenous governance systems still play a crucial role in modern conflict resolution and community resilience (UNESCO 2016; Debisa 2022). While contemporary state institutions have reshaped political dynamics, the principles of Gadaa continue to shape how communities perceive leadership, accountability, and conflict resolution. This suggests that we shouldn’t dismiss indigenous governance systems as relics of the past. Instead, they can offer valuable complementary approaches that enhance democratic participation and local legitimacy. The Gadaa experience illustrates that indigenous governance holds principles that are highly relevant to today’s challenges, such as ensuring leadership accountability, preventing corruption, and promoting inclusive decision-making.

5.3. Elders, Restorative Justice, and Community-Based Reconciliation

The findings highlight that elder-led mediation is a cornerstone for maintaining peace within Oromo communities. This aligns with the broader principles of restorative justice, which emphasize that true conflict resolution hinges on mending relationships rather than merely doling out punishment (Zehr 2015; Braithwaite 2002). In contrast to adversarial legal systems that typically frame conflict as a clash between individuals, the Oromo approach to justice sees conflict as a disturbance to social harmony that impacts families and the wider community. Thus, reconciliation is all about restoring relationships, rebuilding trust, acknowledging wrongs, and helping individuals reintegrate into the community. The role of elders underscores the significance of culturally respected peacekeepers. Their authority stems not from formal state power but from social trust, wisdom, and a strong moral standing. This finding supports Lederach’s (2014) assertion that effective peacebuilding must involve local actors who have cultural legitimacy and relational influence. Ultimately, the study shows that indigenous mediation systems are still vital because they tackle aspects of conflict that formal institutions often overlook, such as emotional healing, social repair, and the restoration of community ties.

5.4. Siiqqee and Gender Complementarity in Indigenous Peacebuilding

The insights gained from studying Siiqqee add a valuable layer to the conversation about gender and indigenous governance. In the past, some interpretations suggested that traditional societies sidelined women when it came to meaningful roles in governance. However, the findings reveal that Oromo society actually established specific institutions that allowed women to wield moral authority and play a vital role in upholding social order. Siiqqee illustrates that women’s involvement in peacebuilding has long been facilitated through culturally acknowledged channels. Women have historically employed collective action, moral persuasion, and symbolic authority to confront injustice and foster reconciliation. This aligns with recent research highlighting that women’s contributions to peace often emerge from informal, community-based settings rather than solely through formal political avenues. Consequently, this study challenges the notion that women’s empowerment can only be gauged by their participation in modern state institutions. The Oromo experience highlights that indigenous systems may harbor alternative expressions of gender authority that are worthy of recognition and deeper exploration. However, it’s important to note that these findings shouldn’t be taken to mean that indigenous institutions are devoid of gender limitations. Instead, they reveal the intricate dynamics of gender relations within indigenous governance, where women can face both social constraints and acknowledged forms of authority.

5.5. Oral Tradition, Indigenous Knowledge, and Decolonizing Peace Studies

The research highlights how oral traditions play a crucial role in preserving and sharing indigenous peace knowledge. This aligns with the views of decolonial scholars who believe that knowledge shouldn’t just be confined to written academic formats; it should also embrace the various ways communities perceive and make sense of their surroundings (Smith 2021; Chilisa 2020). The case of the Oromo people challenges the notion that oral knowledge is somehow less trustworthy or organized than written forms. Their proverbs, stories, rituals, and community teachings are rich with ethical values, historical insights, and practical advice for nurturing social bonds. On the flip side, the findings also point to a significant hurdle: modernization and shifting lifestyles are undermining the passing down of indigenous knowledge from one generation to the next. This issue reflects a wider global challenge faced by indigenous communities, where their knowledge systems are at risk due to cultural changes and institutional neglect. Thus, efforts to document and revitalize indigenous knowledge should go beyond treating it as a relic of the past. Instead, they should empower communities to sustain their indigenous institutions as dynamic systems that can evolve with the times.

5.6. Indigenous Peace Systems and Contemporary Peacebuilding in Ethiopia

The findings from this study carry significant weight for peacebuilding efforts in Ethiopia, where conflicts often revolve around issues of identity, governance, historical grievances, and social trust. It highlights how indigenous institutions like Gadaa, Siiqqee, elder councils, and traditional reconciliation practices offer locally accepted resources to tackle these challenges. However, weaving indigenous peace systems into modern governance isn’t as simple as it sounds. It’s crucial that these institutions aren’t just added for show while their core principles are overlooked. Genuine engagement means acknowledging their authority, including community voices, and respecting the indigenous ownership of knowledge. The Oromo experience illustrates that achieving lasting peace requires a blend of formal institutions with culturally relevant mechanisms. Instead of replacing the state, indigenous institutions can enhance state systems by addressing the social aspects of conflict that formal structures often find difficult to manage.

5.7. Theoretical Contribution of the Study

This study makes three key theoretical contributions. First, it enriches peace theory by introducing nagaa as an indigenous philosophy of positive peace that weaves together social, moral, spiritual, and ecological elements. Second, it adds to the field of indigenous governance studies by showing that Gadaa and similar institutions serve not just as cultural traditions but as dynamic systems of accountability, reconciliation, and peacebuilding. Third, it contributes to decolonial scholarship by illustrating that indigenous communities are not just passive recipients of external peace efforts but active creators of peace knowledge. Thus, the study argues for the inclusion of indigenous peace traditions as valuable sources of theory and practice in global discussions on peacebuilding.

6. Conclusion and Recommendations

6.1. Conclusion

This study delved into the historical roots and current significance of peace in Oromo society by examining the concept of nagaa and the indigenous institutions that uphold it. The findings reveal that Oromo peace isn’t just about avoiding conflict; it’s a rich social philosophy that emphasizes justice, moral responsibility, reconciliation, spirituality, and the importance of harmonious relationships among people and with the natural world. The research highlights that indigenous institutions, such as the Gadaa system, Siiqqee, elder councils, oral traditions, and customary reconciliation practices, work together as a cohesive framework for maintaining peace. The Gadaa system lays down principles for accountable leadership, participatory governance, and the peaceful transfer of authority. The Siiqqee institution showcases the vital role women have historically played in upholding justice and social equilibrium. Elders act as the bearers of wisdom, mediators, and protectors of community ties, while oral traditions help preserve and pass down the values of peace through generations. Moreover, the findings indicate that Oromo indigenous peace institutions have shown remarkable resilience in the face of historical changes, including political transformations, centralization, modernization, and evolving social conditions. Their ongoing relevance suggests that these indigenous governance systems should be seen not as relics of the past but as dynamic institutions that can actively contribute to modern peacebuilding efforts. This study enriches the fields of peace and governance scholarship by illustrating how the Oromo concept of nagaa broadens our understanding of positive peace. While it aligns with Galtung’s focus on justice and harmonious relationships, nagaa also introduces vital aspects of spiritual responsibility, ecological balance, cultural identity, and relational ethics. In this light, Oromo indigenous knowledge provides valuable theoretical insights for wider discussions on peace, governance, and conflict resolution.

6.2. Recommendations

Drawing from the findings, this study puts forward several key recommendations:

  • Acknowledging and Integrating Indigenous Peace Institutions It’s essential for government bodies, peacebuilding organizations, and development agencies to recognize indigenous peace mechanisms as crucial allies in preventing conflict and fostering reconciliation. The Gadaa system, elder mediation, Siiqqee principles, and traditional reconciliation practices should be thoughtfully woven into peacebuilding efforts, all while honoring community ownership and cultural independence.

  • Documenting and Preserving Indigenous Knowledge Universities, cultural organizations, and research institutions should take the lead in systematically documenting Oromo indigenous peace knowledge. This includes capturing oral traditions, customary laws, indigenous philosophies, and community experiences in partnership with knowledge holders, ensuring that this wisdom is safeguarded for future generations. This documentation should respect the cultural context of the knowledge, enhancing communities’ capacity to uphold and share their traditions.

  • Enhancing Indigenous Peace Education Educational institutions ought to weave relevant indigenous knowledge into their peace education, governance, history, and citizenship curricula. By teaching younger generations about concepts like nagaa, safuu, reconciliation, and community responsibility, we can bolster social cohesion and cultural continuity.

  • Empowering Women in Peacebuilding Peacebuilding initiatives should acknowledge and amplify the vital roles women play through indigenous institutions like Siiqqee. Women’s involvement should be viewed not just in terms of formal political representation but also through culturally significant avenues of leadership, mediation, and moral authority.

  • Fostering Dialogue Between Indigenous and Formal Governance Systems Instead of pitting customary and state institutions against each other, policymakers should promote constructive dialogue between the two, encouraging collaboration and mutual understanding.

The Oromo experience teaches us that peace isn’t just something that can be handed down through agreements, laws, or top-down institutions. It’s also woven into the fabric of our daily interactions, moral values, cultural traditions, and the community responsibilities that have been nurtured over generations. The idea of nagaa serves as a reminder to modern peacebuilding scholars that for peace to truly last, we need to pay attention to the cultural and ethical roots that shape how communities perceive and practice harmony. Acknowledging indigenous peace traditions doesn’t mean we have to turn our backs on contemporary governance systems. Instead, it opens up opportunities for more inclusive strategies that blend institutional reforms with the wisdom found in local knowledge. In Ethiopia and similar places grappling with social divides and conflict, these indigenous philosophies of peace can be vital in rebuilding trust, enhancing social bonds, and paving the way for sustainable peaceful coexistence.